Marquesas Islands People

The Marquesas Islands People

For a long time admired by artists, writers and scientists, until recently the art and culture of the Marquesas Islands were unknown to a wider public. Marquesas Archipelago is one of the most remote archipelagoes in the world. Masking people of Nuka Hiva on the Marquesas Islands, French Polynesia. Discover the people and landscapes that fascinated Paul Gaugin on this cruise to the Marquesas Islands. a Polynesian of the Marquesas Islands.

The Marquesas Islands facts, information, images

Enana; and the related'enata means just "people", and this term was in contrast with hao'e, which means "white foreigner". "Marquesans " is derived from the name of the archipelago "Las Marquesas de Mendoca". Marquesans lived on the six major islands of the Marquesan group: Nukuhiva, Ua Pu, Ua Huka, Fatuiva, Tahuata and Hova Oa; smaller islands like Eiao may have been temporarily manned.

These craggy islands are separated by gorges that are often well irrigated and, unlike the dry, degraded and often over-slope. This group is located at 8-11 S and 140 W. The nearest islands in the Tuamotu archipelago were avocets, about 450 kilometres to the southwest and the southest.

Today, many Marquesans reside on Tahiti, the main overseas islands of Polynesia. The number of 35,000 is much lower than many of these numbers, but it seems to be warranted by comparable proofs from better known isles. Since then, the number of Marquesans has grown and in the mid-1980s there were around 5,500 Marquesans on the islands, and at that point several thousand people of Marquesan origins or lineage were in Tahiti.

It is a native of the Eastern Polynesian group of Austro-Hungarian and related to those of Hawaiian and Tahitian. Like the Society Islands of West Polynesia, the Marquesas Islands seem to have been populated around 200 BC; the population is slowly spreading out from the bigger and more welcoming dales on the south-eastern shores of the large islands to cover more dry and jagged areas throughout the group.

In the years before the EU visits in 1595 and 1774, it seems that Moroccan society evolved in a largely isolated manner. Moroccan civilization evolved into a unique one, but it was still recognisably related to other Polynesian groups; there were many correspondence between the islands' ancient cultural institutes and those in Tahiti, Hawaii and other East Polynesia archipelagos.

Porter was the first major member of the Marquesan community in 1813, when David Porter of the U.S. Navy established a village for his operation against whalers and became involved in the Taipi Valley's war against the people (later to become known in Herman Melville's novel, Typee).

The Marquesans were deeply struck by the effectiveness of the guns and the whites' might for the first time, and the chieftains and soldiers throughout the group made great strides to preserve and make friendly with the former. In this way, trade became more systematic in the Marquesan market.

In 1842 the French conquered the islands, but remained only minimally present in the following period. By the mid-19th centuries the impact of Roman Catholics' religious missions was growing, and in the 1880s most Marques were nominal Catholics. French did not recognise the chieftains, and the union of a liquid Indian tribe structure, illness and intruders resulted in a decrease in the tribes' policies.

The chieftains seem to have been insignificant in the 1870', and in the 20th c. the right to such securities was seldom used. Whereas in the latter 18th and early 19th c. the societal lives were characterized by joint efforts in the conduct of war, ceremonies and non-domestic productions for separate fringe groups, Marquesas' societies in the latter 19th and 20th c. had a more nuclear nature, comprising immediate households involved in producing for consumerism and some money-growing.

The recent upheavals in the field of Polynesia have resulted in greater involvement and consulting at grassroots level on issues of economic growth and politics, but the Marquesan-White relationship has generally been characterised by the refusal of Marquesan self-determination, and this has seldom been proactively withstood.

Archipelago has had a major impact on the expansion of the Aborigines. Prior to exposure, the population was dense, and most dales were dense, even in their higher altitudes, of "tribal groups" (mata'eina'a), which usually consisted of 200-800 people. To some extent these groups occupy more than one dale, or dales were taken by more than one mata'eina'a.

Wars frequently led to changes in territory and expropriated groups were often compelled into peripheral areas such as small arctic dales and smaller islands. In France, the government has focused healthcare, education and jobs in the cities of Taiohae, Nukuhiva and Atuona, Hiva Oa, and in smaller centres on each of the other islands.

As a result, these canyons are now heavily populated, while other formerly densely populated areas are deserted or under-populated. Marquesans were and are gardeners, and in Polynesia they were particularly characteristic of the growing of breadfruits, which were conserved and fermentated in large mines. From the time of our contacts in Europe, we have been importing citruses, manioc, cows, nanny herds, and various other species of flora and fauna, which have significantly broadened our livelihood.

Since the last millennium there have been many palm groves from which the money cropping kopra has been made; this is generally of little value, and an attempt has been made to widen the islands' economic basis with coffees, wood and various other cultures, but these are not yet very broad.

Prior to and during the 19th centuries there was a wide variety of specialized artisan businesses producing wood goods, ornamentation, stone tools and arms; females made tapas (bark cloth) and mat. These handicrafts were discontinued at various times, but wood and stoneware are still manufactured for handicrafts stores in Tahiti and the major islands' touristic sites, not for the Marquesans themselves.

Today, Fatuiva is the only East Pole woman still producing tapas for sale to yacht buyers or agencies for local businesses. Though there were apparently few preliminary contacts between the Marquesas and other East Polyynesian archipelagos, an interchange of bird plumes (for ornaments), adze rock and curcuma took place within the group.

During the early phase of exposure, manufacturing and drinking were separated in different ways; fishery and home construction were masculine occupations, while females manufactured matting and crust. A number of men's employees dealt with "female tasks", while high-ranking females were relatively free of gender role and were able to go to battle with men, for example.

While the gender typification of the professions is not strong and both men and men perform a wide range of paid work, the influence of missionary Christianity and the policy of collective government has led to the fact that men and men are primarily associated with the home with various outside income-generating or food-gathering activity.

During the early 19th centuries, the right of first-born babies (male or female) to heritage ownership was strongly emphasized, and those who followed often reverted to obsession. The complexity of a cognitive system and the fact that marriages often took place in the valley (so that the individual could not move far from their country of birth) did mean, however, that landholdings were very controversial; even if the first-born was the theory of ownership, other uses could have permissions that were in fact unrestricted.

Principal entities in Moroccan societies were rather territory than descending; although the place of domicile was usually patriviririlocal, cognitive accounting allowed forthright belonging and mobilization. The term marksan is related to the Hawaiian name. Marquesas are known in comparable marital research for the non-brotherly polyandria but this characteristic of their societies has often not been sufficiently contextualised in tribal ranks and economies.

Since only high-ranking wives had men who were practically always serving or otherwise had a much lower state than their main, often mainly husband. In the higher echelons, weddings between elitist couples from different dales or islands were often used to initiate or consolidate policy coalitions; in the central echelons there was greater endogamic localism; and relationships between citizens were described as more fluent and proactive.

Márquesan men and woman of distinction often dined in separate clubs, while relatives had no homes of their own. Therefore, domestication was organized through broader economical and religious relationships, especially through tapuan principals, which demanded a separate diet for the higher ranking and most men in general. Polyandry and the related relationships of status and dependency collapsed in the second half of the 19th cent. Firms that approached the West's core was born.

During the 19th centuries, heritage was organized by the principle of pregenitism and the order of the births; especially in the north of the group it seemed that there would be little heritage of the first-born. Morquesan civilization was hierarchical, based on tapua principals, professions of rite, gender, ages, above all status and possession.

Empowerment gained through military action or shamanic achievements was as important as legitimacy. With the collapse of tribal ranks, other types of privileges have evolved that are linked to certain types of gainful work. Classification differences in the Marquesas are the same as in other parts of Polynesia and come from the educational, public or occupational sectors and in some cases from insourcing.

Like in other groups in East Polynesia, there were "chieftains", but these were usually not clearly delineated territories. There were often several rival chieftains within the valley, sometimes with overarching allegiances. The majority of the islands were divided into two parts, the constitutive clans of each of them shared the lineage of a brother and sister.

During the early 19th centuries, disagreements were settled through conciliation or battles; the losing parties in a larger dispute sometimes abandoned the islands in paddocks in order to look for a new home. Moroccan right was never recognised by the Parisian people. In the early social contacts, warmongering was endedemic and systematic with rival festivals and competing foods producing in the battle for status and lands.

The tribalism was strongly dualist and postulated a vibrant realm of ao ( "light") and a realm of spirit, gods, dark and dark ( "night"). More than 90 per cent of Marquesan Catholics have become Catholics since the end of the 19th and the rest are Protestants who come from Mt. There is not enough research on the Marquesan faith today, but syncretistic factors seem to exist, for example believing in a number of wicked minds, such as the minds of birth dead mothers.

Two large groups of tribal preachers existed: tau'a, directly influenced by gods and in some cases blamed for farm fruitfulness; and tsuhuna o'ono, which mainly chanted and offered offerings in rituals. Men and females, especially those of high status, were widely covered in anthropomorphic and abstracted tattoos, which also returned to woodcarving and ornament.

It was thought that the ghosts would wander around the islands for a while and then gather at certain craggy promontories, where they would dive under the ocean and into posterity known as Havai'i, which would be mentally distinguished..... Marquesan Journal by Edward Roberts. Isles and beaches: Marquesan term for the person.

The Marquesan Companies: inequalities and political transformation in Eastern Polynesia.

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