Samoan Chief

View of Fa'amatai (Mainly System).

Anything special in Polynesia? Comparative historical and etymological questions, by Serge Tcherkezoff, P1151-190

SAMOAN MAMATAI CATAGORY('CHEF'): The Samoan modern discourses, as well as all the Samoan and Western scriptures, from the 1930' to the latest volumes and the latest theories, portray the term Mataï as the Samoanic term that has always been used to describe "chieftains". There' s even a trend to say that this specifically Samoan term represents the whole world.

Samoan people often tell the visitors that "Fa'aSamoa (the'Samoan custom') is Fa'amatai (the'matai system')". For Samoa's eastern and Western policies (Tcherkézoff 1997a, n.d.b.), even though in the state of (western) Samoa the most recent governmental resolutions have started to eliminate some of the Matai's prerogatives at the political as well as the political as well.

Scholars, Samoan and Western, have also tend to seek an atymology of the term Mataï in the only Samoan organ. Most hypotheses refer to the basic Mata-. Some language problems conflict with this approach from a Polish perspective and from the viewpoint of Samoan culture in the nineteenth and nineteenth centuries.

An overhaul of the issue is suggested here and opens a new view of the historic transformation of the "chieftains" in Samoa. Not only is the Samoan guy of the "Polynesian chief". On the one hand, the recurring notion that the "Polynesian chief" is basically of a kind, in opposition, for example, to the "big man" of the Papua New Guinea uplands.

Secondly, there is the lack of transformation that has affected the various types of Samoan leader over the last two hundred years. Seen from this point of departure, it is the Samoan term for "chief" that seems singular, but not the term Mataï per se. It may be Proto-Polynesian and therefore requires a language comparision between the Polish vernacular.

In Samoan culture, the importance of "titled head" is quite clear. First, let us clarify the term "titled head". Samoan large Samoan families ('?iga) are defined as a group of individuals who work together by keeping the name of a founder and respecting all religious commitments associated with this name.

He then becomes the "matai of the family" ('o le matais 'o le '?iga). Titleholders " instead of "title head" is often used in the West. The Samoans today say for the name itself samoan termed " samoan name ". Samoans who speak Samoan languages use the term "Matai title" more frequently, as does the 1962 Samoan Constitution in its German-volume.

One important difference is that such a "matai title" can be of two types: "in ali'i title" or "a tul?fale title" (as Samoans say in English; in Samoan the term for'name' is used: souafa ali'i). Aboriginal scriptures usually refer to ali'i as "chieftains" or "high chieftains" and those of tul?fale as "speakers".

In the first scriptures of ministers and travelers, the system of selecting the chief and the following personal identity of this individual with the foundation process are signaled. It is possible that the men who at that point were only called "matai" were not called "heads" or "titled" as they are today.

Those indigenous civilizations had a say only within their nu'u'village, while other chieftains, known as ali'i, were the leaders of extensive kinship and sometimes large areas, known as wwww. nu'u'village, which consisted of a large number of communities and resulted from a m?l?'victory' in the battle. The chieftain was not the "king" of the huge territory and probably did not have full power (pule) over all countries of ÚCOPY13

He, like other masters of the house, was still the fiduciary for the only country of his'?iga'. According to the modern classifications, the matei is the ugu o le '?iga 'head of the family'. It is given the surname: the surname (suafa matai). This is about the grouping'?iga as'extended family'.

This is not just a housekeeping or a group of houses ('au'?iga, pui'?iga, although sometimes the word'?iga' is also used). The people who thus personified the ancestor name constitute the heart of the genetic history of this name and are today considered "the various matais of the past".

We' ve said that the "title" of such a hosts can be an "ali'i title" or a "tul?fale title", "mainly title" or "oratorio title". For example, the catagory "matai" in the taxionomy is wider than the catagory "ali'i": matai=ali'i+tul?fale. This is the only case in all Polynesia, in the present or in the past, where the Ali'i is included as a group in a wider group.

All of Fa'amatai's modern formal and non-formal presentations, whether in writing or speaking, by Samoans or Westerners, correspond to the patterns we have summarized. A brochure on "Samoan Custom" (Grattan 1948) produced by the New Zealand government in West Samoa (the "Department of Native Affairs") was produced in 1942 to inform US staff based in West Samoa during the Second World War.

Samples of high Ali'i nouns are regarded as "matai" nouns (p.11). A general differentiation between entitled (matai) and not entitled (taule'ale'a) is presented as today (p.12). Also, when the writer refers to some changes in ideology regarding the regard he pays to the material, he uses theorems like: "I don't know if I can do anything about it: "However, while the old order of the sailors had a particular respect...."

which show that this metamorphosis of Matai's politics was certainly not considered new by the writer. In 1925, twenty years before Grattan's work, the New Zealand government of West Samoa had re-established itself in the west of the island through a mandate from the League of Nations and issued a handbook by West Samoa (author unbekannt, Wellington, Government Printer), apparently authored in 1924.

It is the clans, whose heads are named matais, own the whole country and distribute it to its members as needed. Nevertheless, the manual seems to identify "chief" and "clan-head", known as " Mataï. That last said seems to be the general one. Nevertheless, a distinction is made between "bosses" and "tul?fale".

Apparently things are not as clear as they will appear later when writers directly say that all chieftains are "matai of - 156 the ali'i or tul?fale type". Firstly, in Buck's text we find a general representation similar to all of the following literature:.... the customary Samoan practice of ceremony when a man is chosen to the post of materialist or chieftain (p.85).

This is a representation of the dishes prepared by the chieftains (Matai) of the town. Soua ta'i with whole fried hogs are given by high chieftains whose location of riches allows them to give them. All chieftains in these cases are called matais, whether "high chieftains" or "little chieftains".

6, to the ali'i of the second degree; 7, to the head's familiy of 7, to the head blasses to the 8, to the wives; 9, to the lower level chief to the mai; 10, to the lower level chief to the p, to the town girl to the mules. Contrary to the preceding quotations, Buck here says that here Matais are" chieftains of lower rank" (9), who differ from high Ali'i (5:" Ali'i of the first class") and also from other Ali'i (3:" Ali'i of the second class").

Chieftains who talk the most, who are the noisiest, who eats the most, who get large drinking cups, etc. are always the few. It may even be relevant on a subsidiary layer of differentiation that the front foot goes to tul?fale, while the back one goes to Matais.

Other clues from the nineteenth centuries seem to differentiate (i) high ali'i, (ii) lower ali'i, (iii) wwww. ali'i as speakers associated with a high ali'i, and finally (iv) most of the "heads of a family". Unfortunately, the term mathematai is not used in this literature: only the words or phrases "ali'i", "tul?fale", "chiefs", "rulers", "heads of families" can be found.

This is only about the major difference between the Ali'i and the Materai. Buck also talks about the need for all chieftains to always have a supply of dry pot of potted pot of potash to be called by kin.

"The ones below the ranks of a matais ( "leaders of a small group of families ") were excluded from such calls" (p. 147), as if the "matai" plane were the last of a series of planes of chieftains. In the last section we will see that indeed throughout Polynesia the discrepancy between a multi-local expanded net led by an ali'i, ali'ariki etc. and a localized small group having its leader could have been a recurring one.

In the case of the chieftains' sons (Matai), the priest discusses with the desired performer and makes an appointment for the beginning of the work. These three above are the only ones to be found in Buck's extensive work, probably because the volume is concerned only with "material culture" and thus offers little opportunity to describe the roles of the various chieftains.

There is no question that the Ali'i in the heads of the older informers of 1927 were not a subclass of the Marai. Schultz in West Samoa. The Samoan "principles" as he sees them are explained by Schultz: On top of each twig is the mate, the leader of the house. The chieftain, Materai-si, is one of them.

There is a name for every material - lgoa, souafa - which is passed down from generations to generations........ They are either subject to the rules of material silicon or they have their ownule. Testimonials of Matai's role can be seen not only in the home but also in the town.

It is the center of society, the community and the Samoan people. He is either ali'i, "boss", or www.matai.com, "speaker". It is presumed that the category of "speakers" emerged from the ministers or members of the "chieftains". And the other sense of the term is " house room ", and the fact that the term mattai has only recently been used for " crooked " may have led us to conclude that the website is both the origin and the only seeming way for the leader of a host families (1911:43-46: emphasize are mine).

There is no comment or reference in the remainder of the text to what Schultz refers: "The term mathematics was only recently used for " chieftains". "But when Schultz conjures up this "circumstance," he seems to portray it as something fairly familiar or apparent, since he only cites it as part of the cause for another debate (his theoretical story of comparative might between ali'i and tul?fale).

It had already taken the shape we know today, when Schultz wrote: "The material is either ali'i,'chief', or tul?fale,'speaker'. No" Matai" at all? It is astonishing that in almost all the books written by travelers and evangelists the presence of the material is ignored at all.

There is no mention of the term. It has many minutiae about "high chiefs", "chieftains", "rulers", "chieftains and speakers", etc. but the Samoan words cited are only ali'i (pa'ia) and tul?fale. Pritchard's novel once refers to the term material, but it is not used. Apparently, when these Europeans attended a founo (formal meeting) and when they were recording - 161 stories and tales, they never even listened to the term matais; or, if they did, they would interpret it as a minor term, not to mention.

In the Marist vocabulary, too, the use of the term Marist gives the same effect (see below). We must then assume that from the beginning of extensive literary work (1830) until the end of the 20thury, the regional classifications could no longer be the same as today: in those years there was clearly no comprehensive category of "matai", of which the "ali'i" would be a subdivision.

Now let us look at the three springs that are an exception to this mum. However, there is no modification for the entry "matai" and "ali'i": Mataï is not a tuffist. It is therefore of great importance to us that the differentiation ali'i'chief'/mattai''head of family' is already contained in the 1862 issue.

Of course, the Samoan-French section has the anticipated entry: "but there is no "matai" inscription. Since Violet's vocabulary is generally quite good and quite descriptive, one can safely expect that the term mathematics has hardly ever been used ( "matai", at least before the Europeans) to be ignored by this one.

Purlette did not simply disregard the meaning of the term because it can be found in the French-Samoan section. However, it is in a kind of secundary way of presenting, which is another indication that Violette has not attached much importance to this word: CHEF: O le aii ("leader", "boss"). It is O le turumua, laumua (the capital).

Chief de familiille,'O le materai,'O le alii materua (the chief of the family). In France, as the people know, the term "boss de famille" means only "head of the family" and means nothing of the individual's class or position, while "boss" is always seen as a political/ceremonial part.

Strangely, the item "chef de famille: matai" is presented within an item that begins with something completely different; probably because Violette believed that "chef-lieu" (the capital of a district) and "chef de famille" are both metaphorical uses of the term "chef". The words ali'i are always prominent:'boss'; and they either don't refer to the term mattai (Violette in the Samoan-French section) or only as'head of the family'/'boss de famille'.

Krämer also worked with older informers, chief figures and speakers. Here you can find the differences between ali'i pa'ia, other types of ali'ia and of course the website tul?fale. The term "matai" - 163 does not appear in these passage, which is also in the last years of the 20th and 21st centuries, in which Krämer collected his information, again a symbol of his subsidiary function in the entire environment.

Kraemer introduces the term "ali'i pa'ia", calls these bosses "title chiefs", names Tuiatua, Tuia'ana and others as an example and outlines the various tatters that surround them. Her own titles are transferred within her own families from one to the other. Groups of speakers known in certain areas as the "Nine Houses", the "Six Houses", etc.

are responsible for selecting and awarding a certain ali'i pa'ia name and therefore very mighty (Krämer 1902:10-11). There are only ali'i, those who are mentioned, those who are named wwww. ali'i and the'aumaga (untitled men sitting outside doing the joint work, as agreed by the Fono). Now we come to Matthew as our leader of the Kramer household in his analysis.

and gives a series of Samoan stories. That is why only ali'i and tul?fale are used. However, there are two parts when mentioning Materai within a debate on another subject (see below). This is where the personality of the man is clearly visible: Distinctions between bosses and speakers (ali'i and tulafale), little known so far.

However, for the enlightened there are already enough characters to recognize the chief of a town or a household, and with this heading I would like to merely refer in the following rows to the councillor, the man in charge, alongside the captains of the titles and of course the king (1995:108-109).

Shopkeepers distinguish the matais from" titled chiefs" and from" kings":(l) the matai," chief", within the village: Neither "the chief of a family" or even "the chief of a village" (the chief of the head household within the community hierarchy), who is usually an ali'i (also called "chief" by Krämer as opposed to the speaker); (2a) "title chiefs, titlechiefs ", which we must consider in the light of the contexts as ali'i names, whose meaning is more broadly delimited than the word Dorf (see Krämer's use of these words in his volume.

Then it is clear that in the last ten years of the 20th centrury the term "Matai" existed as "head of the family" on the rural area. It would not have been necessary to note here that the might of the ali'i of the time is "broken" in comparison with what is said that its might was in former time.

He would not have added that nowadays anyone can "impersonate an ali'i". Kraemer mentioned the term "matai" twice in Vol. I with the significance of the leader of the family, but he did so very briefly while he discussed other subjects. He introduces the term "family" and emphasizes that the name of a Samoan familiy is transferred to only one member, as in the system of aristocracy.

In Samoa, according to Krämer, it is not necessarily the first-born who bears the name. Thus, gives his name, and along with him, the authorities over the host families to each member of the host families and even to a non-child adopted boy (1902:31, my translation). Mediators go to the young lady's town - 165 to convince themselves of the grandeur of the house.

This future groom's wife's wife tries to use all her influences on her town to collect more presents. Krämer says the following question: has enough grandeur, whether he is or will be a material, the text is inconceivable. Krämer's terminology is often uneven, since he uses different words in English, even if it is only a Samoan term (see, for example, his various translation for "matai"):

As Krämer also indicated in the first paragraph we cited, this must be a more recent use, because Schultz's comment (quoted above) about the "fact that the term mathematics has only recently been used for " chieftains" and because this term has been used in the nineteenth citation.

There is an encyclopedia of Samoan words at the end of Vol. I containing an introduction "metai", which in itself shows that the term is clearly part of Krämer's vision of Samoan civilisation. It' called: the leader of the house who bears the name of the house and controls his house (see record ?iga) (1902:479, my translation).

www. ?iga: Familie has a sailor who bears the name of the sailor while other members only keep their own name? Whenever there is a large one, it is divided into subfamilies named either www. com or www. com. com and also have their own matais. However, all these matais are then all under one mataissi.

It is also true for certain towns related to a high chief, in whole or in part. "mathematical sili"/"mathematical" (as director of the subgroup), similar to what von Schultz described shortly thereafter. Also we see how Krämer imply that the materialai, whether the mind of a "subfamily" or a whole familiy (and then called "matai sili"), has a different order than the "high chief", to whom an entire town is his "family" (and even a number of towns, as one could conclude from other observations).

So far, the various observations we have taken into consideration by Krämer, which deal with the existance of the matais, are his own comment. Now we must see if there is a Samoan story that mentions this name. Only ali'i and tul?fale are available in Krämer's account of the entire state system and in the Samoan tales illustrating this subject (such as the allocation of cava, etc.).

However, when Krämer added a Samoan story to visualize the "village administration", he appeared. He then gives a Samoan tale. It is entitled "The Authorities of the Town ('o le punule a le nu'u)". {\a6} (Chandler 1902:40-41, my Samoan translation). It' remarkable that throughout the encounter they call them ali'i and tul?fale.

However, once the encounter is over, the men who take orders to their families become known as Matais. This Samoan story is translated by Krämer from "matai" into English by "Familienhäupter". "And so the boss says, "It's good. "Then the chief goes immediately and consults with his masters.

This is what he says to his whole family: "According to one of the Matai: Another mate of another familiy also says: ) and the twigs of his familiy, about fifty and two hundred barks. As this information makes clear: the Matais are leaders of "families"'?iga (which can be described as "au'?iga", see the end of the excerpt), but these are sub-groups of a large familiy (also known as " ?iga") led by an ali'i.

Naturally, as is usual with the stories gathered by Krämer, these stories come from a high school. There are some leaders of sub-groups themselves that we cannot rule out being of the ali'i kind, and certainly some must be of the sorts. Their" subgroups" can be" families" on the local scale, if the" boss" ali'i" referred to here has a national name.

Thus the incident has replicated itself in relation to the role of Samoan in the first Samoan novella. In no way can this location be compared to the situation in Mataï as we know it for the twentieth cent. The Polynesian Reminiscences was composed by William T. Pritchard, who spent ten years in Samoa, from 1848 to 1858.

Writing extensively on the politics and society of the "chieftains", he unfortunately uses only this British term and no Samoan words. It is evident from the titles cited for some chieftains in certain incidents that Pritchard is only referring to the Ali'i. Page 135 on page 135 shows the website as" advisor", but also as" chief of the family":

The Tulafale, or head of the family, who as such are the councilors of the chieftains, gathered in a ceremonial concert and chose a suitably ranked wife. Here the first and only mention of the term mathematics is made: matai:

Chieftains are usually tattooed at the early eighteen years of age and, when the surgery is due, all the boys in his clan, perhaps twenty in number, from the fourteen and upwards, are preparing to join him. Operator's side is made up of the material and five or six wizards.... (Pritchard 1968:143).

Thus the implied nomenclature is: ali'i-higher, i-higher-lower than leaders of the household and council ors, and, out of this system of statutes, the material as a figure whose "profession" and quality define her as a "master or professor". Krämer's comments here are the only ones in all literary works that try to explain the dualities of the Materai as "head of the family" and the Materai as "main worker".

The" master" of a certain trade is named the Tu? uga, followed by the words of the respective trade. Its assistants constitute the "au + the words of the given craft" ("au- means "the group of" and can be valid for any group of people, whether institutionalized or not). He is the leader of his household, and he is named Matthew, because this is the term for "head of the family".

However, another paragraph about these experts is somewhat less clear: mathematics, www. matt, wwww. o tsugauga, usually has several, up to six, helps... (Krämer 1995:72). Alone this paragraph does not leave open the idea that "matai" is a (ceremonial?) equivalence of "tufuga", the latter being the "simple" one.

Pratt's lexicons point in the same direction: words like matai'oloa "the best dancer", matai'oloa "the best good" and last but not least: matai'oloa "a respectful term for Tufuga" (see below). The first quote and what we have seen in the stories of Samoans, as well as Krämer's own analyses, however, undoubtedly reflect the significance of "head of the family".

Or, did the general sense of being the "first", that is, "the leader of one's own group", appear as such and address both the leaders of the household and the master craftsmen? Could the appearance of a evolutionary consequence be that Krämer's work is much more specific than all the previous ones, which were satisfied with describing the life of high chieftains and not dealing with the leaders of their own flock?

So why don't we find the importance of Matthew as a'master craftsman' in the missionaries? It is known that it was in Samoa, from the Pritchard and Krämer files (above). Apparently they had seen the term mathematics primarily as "head of the family", and thus before the term of tsufuga for all craftsmen.

The''matai'', both as'matai' and as'matai tufuga', was part of the old Polish definition of the term of''skilled, the best'' (see below). Whereas the term mathematics as'head of the family' was the Samoan use of the name. Pritchard and Krämer's scripts seem to be the only ones to mention the character of Mataï.

They both point to the same importance of the craftsman, although the observation is almost 50 years apart, but Krämer also points out the importance of the "head of the family" and gives us in detail an explanation. We should therefore not be too shocked if we only find Pritchard and Krämer as testimonies to the survival of the populations who lived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

In the period of his generalizations - which is often too blurred because he takes up previous scriptures and tries to show us how traditionally "Samoa" was - "matai" is clearly the name of the role of the leader of the family, just as it is today, but with a basic differentiation. Then we can assume that the term "matai" does not necessarily contain what is today referred to as "title" and what is the major characteristic of the state of every material today.

That explains why all the Tufugas are also "matai": the Tufugas, who lead the group that deals with construction or tattoos - a group that is always a group of families, the Tufugas - is of course the leader of this group. The Europeans were concerned with high chieftains (main families in the villages or districts) and with their speakers and not with leaders of sub-groups.

Even though every Mataï was already a champion in these years, i.e. a figure with a given name of the founders of his sub-group, this name was only important within the Fonos of this town. As a result, the distinction between Matais and Ali'i and tul?fale became less and less noticeable.

Matthew is certainly not a one-of-a-kind name in Samoa. The Pollex (1999), the computer data set by Bruce Biggs and Ross Clark by Proto Polynesian, - 173 has *maatai with reflections for Rennell-Bellona, Samoa, Tahiti, Tikopia, Tokelau and Tonga (1994 entry): SAMMatai. title: Chief of the expanded Samoan dynasty; masters.

To confirm a Proto-Polynesian significance it is useful to have a Samoan-Tongan correspondence, but we cannot rule out lending from one to the other. It is therefore important to find our words in at least one of the languages outside West Polynesia. Considering this significance, one immediately realizes the existence of some composite words in the Samoan world.

Its importance makes it clear that the basis actually has the significance "the best, the first" - 175 and has nothing to do with any Mata. Milner's Samoan modern lexicon says: In the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries, in the four issues of the Mission Diary (Pratt), the long lists are: -matai-tu, the supreme carpenter.

Now we can be sure that Mataï is arooted in him. and, semantisch nah an unserem Thema (aber nicht etymologisch), mata'?iga'be always prepared to help one's family'. "He' s a Samoa commander! "Se Matais for Samoa! My assumption is that this is the why this speaker's reputation was phrased with the words "matai": se materai mo Samoa.

At that time, as nineteenth c. ethnographical books on Samoa show, the matei were the leaders of those families groups (called at'?iga, but also just'?iga) that were part of an expanded social group ('?iga Sa + name), which was founded on relatives and homelands and was led by an aki.

This does not exclude, of course, that even the "high chiefs" were named Matais in comparison to their own locals "?iga". Then all ali'i would have been ali'i, but not all of them would have been able to be known. It is also open to ask whether all those who were not ali'i were at that time either tul?fale or whether the web site was just some familiy guides who were specifically associated with an ali'i name, while other matais were just..... matais, just guides of their own folks.

However, we must then proceed from the assumption that these last mentioned material was not "titled", since all available information converge to make us believe that the foundation nouns submitted as a title were and are either of the types "ali'i" or "tul?fale", without a third class of name. Little by little it became less relevant that an agent was an ali'i or a tul?fale

These levels took the term "matai" to the most general levels of observation. High chieftains, other high-ranking personalities (e.g. high speakers) and common leaders of subordinate groups of families were fused into this new and singular catagory of "being Matai". Coming from a hierarchical ali'i >tul?fale> mathematics, the system went into a singular grade of "matai" divided into two parts: mathematics with an ali'i name and mathematics with a web site name.

The current state of affairs seems to make Samoa an exceptional and an anomalous case within Polynesia. There is a chance of consistent comparisons by comparing linguistically and historically the ethnographical literatures tried here, combined with a series of hypotheses about the transformation of Samoan policy (Tcherkézoff n.d. a, n.d. b).

It obscured the old differentiations between ali'i and non-ali'i and made way for a new comprehensive concept that was not dependent on the ali'i/tul?fale oppositions and that could even take up this differentiation as a mere division. In this case the catagory of the matais seems to have had a completely different use than the catagory of the ali'i (and related words), which refer to the "chieftains".

That is why the Samoan term is Samoan for Teacher Samoan and it is also the why this basis in composite words brings the significance of "best" into a number of things or men. First, it is a hierarchical structure of spatial expansion of sovereignty (regional/localized), as the case of Samoan and the other cases referred to by Green and Kirch (shortly) show.

We could include the relation between the Samoan Ali'i and the speaker tul?fale in this report. Being perceived as a much simpler and more uniform concept of the "Polynesian chief" in some Melanese society because of the contrasts with the Big Man people.

One of the many contrasts that make this concept more complicated is the ali'i/matai differentiation in ancient Samoa. The Samoan material culture. It is an introductory talk to Samoan custom. Comment ar[ohne Titel] zu N. Thomas, The Force of Ethnoology : Handbook of Western Samoa, 1925. The Samoa Islands, v. I. Stuttgart: Schweizerbart. Samoa Islands:

A draft of a monograph with special consideration of the Samoa, v. The Samoa Islands. Juridical issues of the property and property system in the area of American Samoa. Manufacture of modem Samoa. The Traditional Authority and Colonial Administration in the Modern Age of Western Samoa. Transformation and adaptation in Western Samoa.

"Chieftain and hierarchies in ancient Samoa." Judith Huntsman (ed.), Tonga and Samoa. samoanic dictionary: Samoan-English, English-Samoanian. samoanic dictionary: Samoan and English, and Samoan and English, with a brief grammar of the Samoan-dialects. "Samoa: Samoan grammar and dictionary ("Second Edition, published by Rev. S.J. Whitmee").

Grammar and dictionary of the Samoan language with English and Samoan words ("Third and Revised Edition"). Wealthy man, wealthy man, big man, boss: Comment[untitled] to N. Thomas, The Power of Ethnology: Origin and importance of the Melanesia / Polynesia Group. Sina' s daughters: This is a study of gender, status and power in Samoa.

Samoan conception of the Feaga League and its transformations. J. Huntsman (ed.), Tonga and Samoa: Pictures of gender and politics. These are the main tenets of Samoan domestic and succession legislation. In Samoa, the delusion of dualism: "brothers and sisters" are not "men and woman". The trainer in Samoa or the hierarchy on a daily basis.

Cultures, nations, society: secondary changes and possible upheavals in Western Samoa. and the Polynesian comparison method. Identity Change in Samoa: Land and Development. The Western myth of Polynesian sexuality: M. Mead, D. Freeman and "Samoa". --n.d.a. "Are the Samoan chieftains matai'out of time'?

E. Huffer et A. So'o (éd.), Governance in Samoa. "Samoans" and "Europeans" in Samoa (1899-1962). Juridical pluralism in Western Samoa. Samoa-French-English and French-Samoa-English dictionary, preceded by a grammar of the Samoa language.