Oksapmin

Oksapmin okay? An Investigation into the Genetical Relationship of Oksapmin and the Ok Linguages

Loughnane, R and Fedden, S (2011) Is Oksapmin OK? An investigation into the genetical relationship of Oksapmin and the Ok lingo Australian Journal of Linguistics, 31 (1) pp. 1-42. This document proves that the Oksapmin speech, which was previously classified as an isolated word within the wider Trans-New Guinea familiy, is related to the mountain-ok of the Ok linguistic familiy and thus to the whole Ok group.

There is a listing of gradations and tonal correspondence, as well as references from the tied telephology and pronouns-paradigm.

Esthetic opposites in social organizationâ An Esthetic Realism Discussion by Oksapmin, Papua New Guinea by Arnold Perey

Oksapmin does not call itself by a name. These are Bak, Bak River Valley; Oksapmin, not the entire area, but the west half of Tekin River Valley; Gaugutiana, the west half of Gaugutiana Valley; Terangap, the communities in the west half of Terangap Valley.

All the other designated entities are the single vicarages, which are not all combined into groups of vicarages, like those mentioned above. "Each church has a name, sees itself as one with other churches and sees its members as members. In fact, the vocabulary of the Church's communion is intensive.

Whether they are blood-related or totally un-related. Oksapmin's flexible approach to organising society was addressed in this section. They are clearly present in the concept of "social group". No concept exists that corresponds to the British "patrilineage" or "clan" or "consanguineal kin". "Every group, regardless of its memberships, is given the right to be named Yigira.

I have called a neighbourhood the biggest Yigira that sees itself as a socially united group. There is no general concept, like the parish, that corresponds to the neighbourhood. "But the fact that the inhabitants of a neighbourhood identity e.g. as "The Gundak tribe "â" "The Gundak people" warrants their acknowledgement as a neighbourhood (the inhabitants of the same small village).

The relationships that unit members of society include the relationships described in the following section. Oksapmin's system of relational vocabulary has a clear link to the societal organisation to which it belongs, and that will be debated. Figs. 13 and 14 show the frame of references and the men's addresses.

Though it does not agree with the classification suggested by Murdock (1949), as many related economic regimes do not, arguments similar to Murdock's are used to show how Oksapmin's related terminological system agrees with his own particular societal grouping. The Oksapmin lineage group member is about thirty-five per cent like the heritage of the country 179.

For this reason, a kind of pathrilineal focus is to be anticipated in relational vocabulary, and it is present. Patrilinage, which is a somewhat segregated entity in the societal fabric, is also a somewhat segregated entity in relational vocabulary. Further, Oksapmin post-marital residency virus ocal with regards to relatives tends to place men patchily in the country.

Blood relatives who calculated via a feminine connection were considered more friendly than those who calculated via masculine connections. We see the mutual concept of mum in relational terminology: I call my mother's sibling mum, I call my sister's baby mum. Firstly, while line companions in many New Guinea communities refer to themselves as "men of a penis", all blood relatives in Oksapmin call themselves tap-tem or a dread.

Secondly, the Oksapmin cultural heroe is a creator. Yuwan, as she walked through the Mountain Ok area, took the vicarages to where they are and made the humans. In fact, there is a true blur or forgetfulness of how humans are related when they are far enough away to be named wawa or oma.

It is easy for a man to appear or disappear as a remote relation in daily life. Oksapmin community groups have unknown limits that allow them to fuse, maintain and break up relationships without breaking or changing lastingly. In this way, "unconnected" lines are connected by women and can form large, non-patrilineal groups.

While the Oksapmin tribe has no idea how many of their blood relations belong to them, all the blood relations of the spouse or spouse are named Basimas. There is no way to fire an dart at Bazima in battle, so it is very important in practical terms whether it is the immediate blood relations of the woman, her whole grandma or her whole priest.

It tends to restrict the struggle between pastors by neutralising some fighters against each other. It, too, establishes a flexible societal framework and offers the possibility of patrilineas being connected by women. In other words, the designation of the status that occurs within the relationship domains is compatible with the way the relationship system functions.

In turn, the family system is in harmony with and is part of the operation of the Oksapmin community as a whole. In order to comprehend that the continuing operation, quantative information about Oksapmin marital and domestic is given in the following section.