What is the Population of Guam

Guam's population growth | FRED

The yearly population increase for the year tonnes is the population' exposure to increase from year 1 to year 1, in percent. The population is rooted in the de facto demographic delineation, which includes all inhabitants regardless of their statutory position or nationality - with the exception of non-permanent migrants who are generally regarded as part of the population of the home state.

» The Chamorro migration to the USA

This is a deskriptive study of the tendencies and models of Chamorro immigration and housing in the United States. The work is on the basis of previous research, her thesis on Chamorro migrations and adjustment, which was concluded in 1979 at the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA). The 2000 US Federal Census found 135,233 Chamorros in the USA, the US territory of Guam and the US Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas (CNMI).

How?" of Chamorro's move to the USA are examined in this article. At the dawn of the Spanish-American Wars in 1898, the USA asserted Guam as a sign of national warfare. Although this would end more than three hundred years of Colonization, it would also usher in a new age in which the Chamorro tribe would be separated on the Mariana Islands.

When Guam came into the hands of the USA, the remaining Marianas, to which Saipan, Tinian and Rota belonged, were transferred to the ownership of the global power Germany, Japan and the USA in 1944 (at the end of the Second Worid War). Today Saipan, Tinian and Rota are jointly known as the US Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI).

The Chamorros thus continued to be divided politically, but their families, cultures, traditions and languages were united. A lot of information about Chamorro immigration and settlement in the US has been obtained from the US administration census. Initial U.S. counts began in the early 1900s. The first two Guamens were taken in 1901 and 1910, followed by the first ten-year Guam census in 19201.

Before World War II, the Guam Population Survey (1901-1940) showed a small population of mostly indigenous Chamorros (90 percent). Guam's population had almost trebled by 1950 as a consequence of the US buildup and the import of immigrant labour to help rebuild the country after the Second World War. From 1901 to 19702, these figures show the continued decline in the number of Chamorros on their home isles and the growing inflow of non-Chamorros, a tendency that has significantly changed the demographics of the population of the Mariana people.

Chamorros was a sailor nation known for its fast pros and its capability to sail between the Pacific Isles, as documented by early discovery in Spain. It was an occasion linked to socioeconomic and politic powers that reshaped the Chamorros' capacity to live a useful and fulfilling life on their island.

As a result, the Chamorros migrated from their home island to the US. The Chamorro movement was driven by three main reasons: the call for more training, the quest for more training and the quest for better outcomes. There is no difference between these causes of immigration and those of most other immigrant nationalities.

The migration to the USA began in the early 1900s. Their first immigrants were young Chamorro men, known as "ballooneros", who followed the many whalers who were stopping in Guam at that time. The Balloonero, as a catcher of whales, had the chance to go to work and traveled, but definitely to get off the Isle.

Balloneros would be the two main targets California and Hawai`i. Whilst doing her doctoral thesis in Los Angeles, the writer ran into a woman by the surname of Leon Guerrero, who alleged that her grandpa had come to California from Guam in the 1920' as a cetacean. Both the Camacho and Sablan familys recorded their surnames by tracking them back to Guam.

Although these Chamorro offspring have long since seen their break from the Marianas, they still recognize their Chamorro root. "Anyone who knows how many have made it" is a big issue that prospective migratory scientists will one of these days ask themselves. The results also indicate Chamorro's emphasis on travelling and adventurous.

Chamorro before the Second Worid were relatively unfamiliar to the remainder of the worid. Most of the Marianas were inhabited by Chamorros. Only after the end of the Napoleonic Wars and during the rebuilding were non-Chamorros present on the isles. At the same time, the socio-economic fabric of the Chamorro tribe and its cultures was profoundly restructured.

Temporary shelters were constructed in the Chamorros communities after the conflict; the allocation of hostfamily to nuclear housing altered the rural dwellings and divided large households, finally weakening the structures of the population. Developing and improving educational opportunities gave Guam scholarship holders entry to higher and vocational learning in the US; many stayed in the US and caused a "brain drain" on the Isle.

Those incidents opened the way for Chamorros to abandon their island to gain resource and life improvement, many of them never returning. In the early 1930', the introduction of young Chamorro men to the US Navy resulted in the first waves of Chamorro army groups who left Guam in the 1940' after the Second World War.

Those immigrating around the US Naval Bases in the Californian municipalities of Vallejo, Alameda, Long Beach and San Diego. In the 1950', the Korea dispute resulted in the integration of Chamorro men into the US Army and Air Force; this integration was reinforced by the proposed war. For the young men of Chamorro and now, today, for the young ladies of Chamorro, recruitment for the army had become an important opportunity for their careers.

Chamberorro's contribution to US army services is the highest per head contribution of all US communities since the Vietnam War. They were followed by their husbands and wives, sometimes even families and single brothers and sisters when Chimorro men and wives abandoned the island for war. Chamorros not only abandoned the island, but also got married.

Taifun Karen disrooted many Guam homes in 1960. Those immigrant elders were disappointed by the devastation of the taifun and encouraged members of their Californian communities to go to California. Chamorros, an American fruits producer, in Guam, recruited to work as a "fruit picker" in California in the sixties.

Many abandoned Guam, drawn to the idealist ideas of a lifetime in which they "picked apples", and found that circumstances were not what they had anticipated, and some soon reverted; some stayed on the American continent looking for work elsewhere. Well-known as Pan American World Airways, it ended its operations in Guam in the 1970'; many of its staff went to the USA to find work.

A number of Pan Am staff members went to Pan Am in New York, others went to California and join other airlines. Chamorros has recently left the island due to relocations, both militarily and civically, and to better healthcare. The shift of jobs is often determined by business circumstances, as is often the case, among the general population within the United States.

However, the pursuit of appropriate healthcare has brought a new kind of migrants from the Marianas. The new consciousness for healthcare, the funding opportunities for healthcare and the poor healthcare provided on the island have prompted many Chamorros to move away from their island to look after themselves elsewhere.

The migratory tendency is particularly evident in places such as Hawai`i, where many Chamorros have received healthcare through government-sponsored remittance programmes when such treatments were not possible on the isles. The insurances for civil servants on the isles also had to use places of healthcare outside the isle if there were no available public utilities.

Unfortunately, the cost to the patient and family of transport and life for healthcare outside the islands was high. On other occasions, however, other countries were visited by family members or other family members who lived in other countries in order to receive or sustain healthcare. This ten-year census of 1980 was the first national census of the United States to incorporate Chamorros and rank it as an ethnical class within the fifty states.

Guamese census of 1980 and 1990 identify the Guamese as "Guamese", which is neither a racist, ethnical nor a culturally relevant concept for the indigenous population. Chamorro was added to the U.S. census as an ethnicality in 2000. During his earlier research, the writer found that Chamorros of the other Marianas in the United States used "Guamanian" for their breed because it was their next ethnical identity.

The 1980 Federal Population Survey found that the number of Chamorros in the United States was 30,695. The number of Chamorros had grown to 49,345 by 1990. In the fifty states, the most recent 2000 Chamorros survey recorded 58,240 censuses, almost double that of just twenty years before. The highest growth in the Chamorro population during this timeframe was recorded in Florida at 40.

In the years 1980-2000 the biggest Chamorro population was in California. Yet, according to the 2000 survey, Chamorros presented only 0. 0618 per cent of the California population - which is a decline of 0. 0719 per cent in 1980. The Chamorro housing estate in the USA has expanded throughout the country, while in several states there are a greater number of Chamorros in the 1980-2000 ten-year population.

Five states (California, Florida, New York, Texas and Washington) were chosen for this study because they had the highest number of Chamorros in the USA; Hawai`i was also chosen for its closeness and similar way of life on the islands. Chart 1 shows the number and percentage of Chamorros in these countries for the years 1980-2000.

Florida became one of the states with the highest growth of Chamorros in the USA in the 2000 survey. Chamorros' migratory pattern can be traced back to these colonies. Chamorros socio-economic features in the states of California, Hawaii, New York, Texas and Washington from the 1980, 1990 and 2000 ten-year numbers have been summarized in charts for each ten-year numbering year.

This table was used to analyse and identify the demographical and socio-economic features of the Chamorros in the United States in comparison to the general population of the United States. In 1980, this study began with the selection of the states with the highest number of Chamorros. Hawai' i is interesting for this study because of its closeness and usefulness to the Mariana Islands.

The University of Hawai`i not only drew people from the Hawaiian archipelago, but also permitted them to study until the late 1990s; the Hawai`i health centres were until recently the main sources of referrals; and many Mariana soldiers were based at the Hawai`i Forces.

Hawai`i's costs of life were an important issue for many Chamorros who moved to Texas and Washington after they retired. The Chamorros as an ethnical population in the USA are somewhat younger than the general population of the USA. The average American population was 30 years old in 1980 and 22 years old.

For Chamorros, 6; in 1990, 33 years for the general population and 25 years. -9 for Chamorros; in 2000 there were 35. for the general population and 28. Nine for Chamorros. Chamorro's largest extended and the proportion of the population of the Chamorro community with under 18s was significantly higher than the general population in all three centuries.

Most Chamorros also appear to have been borne outside their state estates; most were borne abroad, more than likely on their home isles. In all three centuries they also showed a significantly higher emigration from abroad than the general population. Chamorros are predominantly first-generation immigrants in the USA and are also a high-mobility group.

Whilst there are some small differences between states, Chamorros seems to have higher levels of joblessness than the general population. Chamorros in these areas were higher than in the general population. Between 1980 and 2000, the education deficit between the general population that graduated from high schools or higher and Chamorros seems to be decreasing slightly.

But for those with a bachelor's or higher qualification, Chamorros still lags behind the general population in the US in all three populations of census. Chamorros' average household incomes were slightly lower than those of the general population in the United States, except in the state of California, where the average incomes for all three ten-year Chamorros surveys were slightly higher than the average incomes of the general population.

Chamorros had a higher proportion of lower earnings than the general US population in all three centuries. There were 47,690 Chamorros in Guam, 6,667 in northern Mariana and 30,695 in the USA in 1980 for a combined 85,052 Chamorros enumerated by census on the island and in the USA.

There were 57,255 Chamorros in Guam in 1990, 12,948 in northern Mariana and 49,345 in the USA for a combined price of 119,548. There were 61,922 Chamorros in Guam, 15,071 in northern Mariana and 58,240 in the USA for a combined of 135,233 Chamorros in 2000. As the population increases in all areas, the share of the Chamorro population on the island is sinking.

Chamorro's immigration from its home island to the USA is similar to the immigration of many other people and is known as chained immigration. The Chamorros are the biggest Micronesian Pacific island group in the United States, as found in the U.S. Population Quensus. Among the countries with the highest number of Micronesians, Figure 4 shows the number of Chamorros and other Micronesians in some states.

Growth rates of the other micro-nesian population in the USA are around 47 per cent every ten years. The other Micronesians come from the isles of Chuuk, Kosrae, Marshall, Palau, Pohnpei and Yap. For the Micronesians, this tendency will persist in the coming years, as economical and politic circumstances further destabilise the isles.

Immigration scholars find that immigrant groups are usually those members of the community who want to make changes, want to make improvements to their lives and are willing to make the necessary offerings. "The Marianas may have some of their livelier Chamorros as a consequence of immigration. Over the next few years, the Chamorros will increasingly live outside their home island of Guam, Saipan, Tinian and Rota.

This is a worrying state of affairs about the possible disappearance of the Chamorro speech and civilization in today's world. Besides the Chamorros' migrations from their home island, there is also the fast and intensive power of transformation resulting from the "Americanization" of the island.

Chamorros' linguistic and civic establishments were virtually wiped out by the island's economical, societal and politic circumstances. Many Chamorro congregations in the fifty states, on the other side, are still observing and practicing their own culture (e.g. worship festivals). It seems there is a growing socio-political awareness among Chamorros, young and old.

Many Chamorros continue to fight for acknowledgment and societal equity. The Chamorro Base Organisation, which extends across the Mariana Islands, has proved very efficient in uniting Chamorro Guam, Saipan, Rota and Tinian guides to address shared themes and concerns and promote Chamorro's identification. Founded in Guam, this organisation has hosted an international Chamorro conference in Guam (2006), Rota (2007) and Saipan (2008) for the past three years.

It is the first such organisation and assembly under Chamorros since the US occupied the Mariana Islands. As the development of local dancing and musical events, the celebration of culture, increased use of languages in school, all kinds of craft culture and a greater interest in researching and exploring the story and lives of Chamorro and the growth of the Chamorro scientists who deal with the themes and aspirations of Chamorro, it is clear that a Chamorro revival has also been born.

It is hoped that Chamorros can survive in the middle of the countless powers and challanges they face today. It is important to remember that the ten-year count is part of the censuses carried out in Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, American Samoa and more recently the U.S. Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas; this ten-year count is distinct and in contrast to the ten-year US count carried out in each of the fifty states.

CHAMORRO in the United States (accessed June 15, 2016). Institute for Migration Policy (accessed 15 June 2016). United States Census Bureau, American Community Survey (accessed June 15, 2016).