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The Rotuman Identity in the Electronic Era

To some groups, oneâ?? identities are simple, or at least relatively straightforward. Limits can be imposed according to a variety of different natural, societal or intercultural traits, such as color, religion or belief, professions, what humans consume, and so on. Soziale Hierarchie can also have a decisive part, especially when the soft theories of a dominant group divide humans into different groups based on their geographic origin, bloodline or other features that limit their identification work.

In the Pacific, less emphasis was placed on cases of poor Korean culture. In order to make the difference clear: we use the term powerful self-identification in relation to cases where self-identification stands out in the self-concepts of the individual (see Hereniko 1994), while the fragile self-identification relates to cases where such self-descriptions are of little importance.

Wherever peopleâ??s interaction is primarily based on their own culture, a powerful culture is predominant; where cultureâ??s inheritance is of little importance in shaping relations, a faint culture is implied. This article examines an example of a relatively fragile Korean culture, the Rotuman case, and discusses the drivers that promote or weaken its forte.

It is important to understand Rotuman's intercultural identities in a historic setting that begins with the island's comparative separation. Though the Rotumans certainly knew the people of other Isles (Tonga, Samoa, Fiji, Tuvalu, Kiribati, Futuna, Uvea and others) before the invasion of Europeans, the contacts were rare enough to exclude a clear feeling of their own specificity.

Rather, the emphasis of the questions of identity was on the lines of the families and the place (district, village) within Rotuma. Only when the Rotumans emigrated in large numbers to Fiji, to whom Rotuma was administered after its assignment in 1881 by the Great Britain settlement government, did a pronounced Rotuman-identify.

Starting as a runlet in the first half of the 20th centrury, Fiji's immigration to Fiji after the Second World War speeded up. While in 1946 only 17 per cent of the Reds were living in Fiji, in 1966 it was 44 per cent and in 1986 70 per cent. Recent 1996 censuses show 2,580 red on the isle and 7,147 (73 percent) in Fiji.

However, this is only part of the history, as a significant number of Rotumans (we expect 1,000-2,000) have fled Fiji to Australia, New Zealand, other Pacific Islands, North America and Europe. When they came into regular touch with others (Fijians, Fiji Indians, Europeans, etc.), Rotumans for the first case began to develop a profound awareness of culture - an insight that their unmistakable legacy was an important element in the order of community relationships in the outside of Rotuma (Howard and Howard 1977).

For various reason, however, Rotuman's identification has been relatively poor in comparison to other groups. Fiji recognised the Rotuman people as an independent group because they were substantially different from the Fijians in physical and cultural terms and because their languages were quite different. As a relatively small populace the Reds were often classed as â??otherâ?.

As the number of kids with ancestors of Europe grew in the mid-twentieth centuries, the stigmatised half-caste class was superseded by the fairly favorable Part-Europeans class,â -- and since many Rotumans had a forerunner of Europe because of connections between breakaway seafarers or merchants and Rotuman females on the islands, they conveniently fitted into this alcove.

Reds without origins in Europe could often happen because they were usually lighter-skinned than Fijians or Indians. So in their self-identification, the Rotumans had a means of election that was refused to members of most other groups in Fiji. As a result, the borders between the rotumans and other groups were blurred. Reds in Fiji organize themselves into municipalities when their population has achieved crisis in an area.

However, both in Suva and in Lautoka/Nadi, where their numbers were highest, they organised themselves by districts of descent on Rotuma, indicating that the location on the islands stayed at the top of their heads as a base for group indentification. But on a more abstracted plane, when the Reds were subjected to the higher levels of West educational attainment, they learnt to reflect on their inheritance in abstracts, which included the cultural notion.

It was a new phenomena that demanded both the capacity to disassociate oneself from one's own culture and to make sensible comparison with other one. Rotuman's resulting awareness of culture became an important part of its own culture, as individuals regarded themselves as members of a group ( or community) founded on their common culture.

Confusion of race classes in the Fiji Colonies has given Rotumans, if not a relatively preferential place in the overseas community structure, at least some leeway to prove their value, which they have demonstrated through training and rigorous work and a record of accountability and trustworthiness. In 1960, the Reds were far over-represented in technical, leadership and regulatory functions (Howard 1966, 1970), and they continue to do well.

This has strengthened Rotuman identities through their affirmative harmonics on the one side and on the other, by allowing the individual to distance himself from Rotumanism. Indeed, our case is that the exceptional achievement of Rotumans in conforming to contemporary kosmopolitan civilization and the global financial system is at the core of their relatively fragile social identities.

When this is the case for Rotumans in Fiji, it is even more the case for Rotumans who have migrated to Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere, where extra elements further diminish the Rotuman identitarian. The Rotumans have immigrated directly to the lower or higher classes wherever they have migrated, or have quickly reached mid- or upper-class membership, thus carrying on the successes in education, work, and society that Fiji has had.

Seforosa Michael (1991:8-9) estimates in her Sydney area Rotary migrant survey that 70-80% of all migrations to Australia were the results of marriages with non-Rotuman partners, most of whom were nationals of Australia. â Australians who worked in the Fiji Islands usually held management posts in companies and banking or held vocational functions.

Based on an informational poll we carried out during an excursion to New Zealand in 1994, we estimated that about 87 per cent of weddings were with Rotumans with non-Rotumans and 57 per cent with Pakeha-New Zealanders. Rotumans in Hawaii, Canada, continental America and Europe have the same patterns of intermarriages.

Marriage serves to dilute one' s own culture in several ways. First, it establishes a framework under which the Rotuman is subordinate to English or another shared languaeo. Linguistic usage is a key characteristic of Rotumanâ??s culture; not talking Rotuman every day means giving the chance to put in the spotlight conceptions and thoughts that are constantly reminiscent of Rotumanâ??s legacy.

Second, the mixed marriage leads to half of the Rotuman members' networks being non-Rotuman, so the associations with Rotumans are likely to change significantly. As the parents-in-law are different in cultural terms, the more you have to adapt your own behaviour to get along.

You can also prevent your spouse from participating in Rotuman culture meetings. There are some examples of Rotuman partners in Europe who have learnt the Rotuman languages, take part in Rotuman fellowship activity and make regular Rotuma pilgrimage. In most cases, the high level of marriages seems to reduce migrants' connections to their networks of Rotuman relatives and cohabitants and dilute their awareness of Rotuman identities.

Moreover, their partial Rotary kids usually do not know the local dialect and can readily distance themselves from their Rotary ancestors. A further weakening effect on foreign culture is the fact that the ethnical group " Rouuman " is not known outside Fiji. The majority of those in other nations have never even known Rotuma.

To the question of where they come from, immigrants often respond âfijiâ or just go through the tedious procedure of identifying themselves as âPolynesiansâ, instead of declaring where Rotuma is, how the Rotumans differ from the Fijians, etc., and so on. A feature that has helped Rotumans make the transition to civil life is a sophisticated level of societal sensibility anchored in Rotumanism.

The rotuman socialisation seems to lead to what Vilsoni Hereniko describes as âa calm trustâ (personal communication) that promotes a âcan doâ attitud. Rotuman immigrants have been telling us time and again, in very different settings, how they have seen complicated activity and role-playing by experienced vets and said: âI can do it!

As a result of their education and professional achievements abroad, Rotuman immigrants have never created ghettoised ghettos. These dispersals mean that they are much more interactive with other people than with Rotumans, both as work colleagues and as neighbours. Therefore, it is relatively simple for Rotuman immigrants to distance themselves from their inheritance and adopt an identities that is sometimes, if not most of the while.

What are the contingents that make it easier to form Rotuman congregations abroad and that help to celebrate Rotuman identities, together with an attempt to conserve a valuable patrimony of cultures, in the face of these trends? Rotuma is a place where the Rotuman civilization is a natural part of life. Humans are interacting with each other according to generally recognized codes of behavior that are characteristic of Rotuman; they are dressing contextually; sitting on matting according to sex; planting plants, live off them, and even buy groceries in stores in a recognizably Rotuman way.

Rotuman's culture has a clear influence on the way how humans consume, dine, sing, dine, organize activities - the pace of everyday living - regardless of how culture is defined. Against this backdrop, in which the few non-Rotumans living on the islands have been largely associated, questions of social identities are either practically non-existent or at least strongly dampened.

Folks do not choose to act as Rotumans, or to honour their Rotuman legacy, so much to âgo with the riverâ of community living on the isle. Fiji has a more complicated reality. At some places - for example in Suva, Vatukoula, Lautoka and Nadi - the densities of the Rotuman congregations are enough to maintain a day-to-day schedule that in many respects is similar to that of Rotuma.

Most of the times humans can talk about Rotuman, mainly interact with Rotuman relatives, eat Rotuman food and so on. However, despite this, they often come into touch with Fijians, Fiji Indians and others and demand that they supervise their behaviour in a way they did not have to do with Rotuma.

In addition, certain precautions must be taken at typical Rotuman functions such as marriages and burials, dancing, and charity activities (e.g., the decision as to which substitution is permissible or not, emphasizes the importance of culture and strengthens the feeling of Rotumanism. Immigrants who live apart from other Rotumans have more choice and must make more confident efforts to remain part of one or more of the Rotuman churches in Fiji.

However, in general, Fiji provides the overwhelming bulk of Rotumans with the ability to interoperate relatively often and lead a lifestyles that in many ways are not significantly different from Rotuma lifestyles. In many ways, the fact that Fiji is consistent with Rotuman civilization facilitates transitions and decisions less drastically.

In these circumstances, although in many ways it is enhanced, it is not prominent, and for most individuals it is subordinate to their own personal, professional and other nationalities. Humans often have contradictory obligations, even if they want to share times with their fellows. Individual sâ?? involvement with the Rotuman communities is diverse and some of them are keen to participate, but others also need to be encouraged to get engaged or participate in an incidental meeting.

To maintain a sustainable Rotuman fellowship abroad, it is therefore necessary to lead some dedicated persons who are willing to take the necessary amount of effort and effort to organise social events, keep information up to date through telephone and newsletter distribution, and take charge of sourcing and distributing money to cover the group's outlays.

However, where there is no fixed hierarchical structure, governance is a sensitive issue, and concern over the administration of funds has afflicted Rotuman churches abroad wherever they have arisen. After a troubled group visit to Rotuma in 1993, where restricted transport to the islands forced some homes to stay in Fiji, several members of the group demonstrated and broke out of the community, which threatened the group's cohesiveness.

It was only after Langi was transferred to Fiji that most of the demonstrators returned to the community, which currently seems to be powerful and lively under the guidance of a layperson, and the six-monthly gatherings are well-visited. There are two major resources that make up the vast majority of Rotumans who have established themselves in Hawaii.

A number of post-graduate and post-graduate girls often worked part-time or full-time at the Polynesian Cultural Centre. As a result, some of these immigrated to continental America, and left a small number of Rotumans behind. Whilst the men gathered in or near Laâie and knew each other, the men around Oâahu spread out and were mostly accepted into their women's comunities.

In 1994, when we came back from an excursion to Fiji, Australia and New Zealand, where several Rotumans, when they learned that we were from Hawaii, had given us the address of their family in Oâahu, they were almost unseen. Returning to Honolulu, we hosted a celebration and made it clear that it was a Rotuman experience (we asked them to take Rotuman treats and offer to show home video from the islands and playing Rotuman tapes).

âTefui Clubâ--Die Rotuma Association of Hawaiâi--got a boost when Vilsoni Hereniko published his Woven Goss (1995) on the clown on Rotuma. It took many a week of dancing experience, resource bundling and a lot of work to set up an underground furnace for frying pork and tarot, rotuman custard, garland edible garland and petit.

It has since appeared in the general interest several occasions and has become known in the Polish municipality of Hawaii. Elisapeti Inia, a renowned Rotuman educator and renowned Rotarian, came to visit the group for a while in 1996. Mrs. Inia was able to show humans exactly how they are related to each other on the base of her genetic wisdom, so that an organization founded on the base of a common ethnicality developed into a kinship with much closer bonds.

â They now take part in regular dancing and doing Rotuma schools on a regular basis. The number of ethnical Rotumans at the heart of this fellowship is about 17 or 18, but with their spouse and kids, BYUH irregularly attending BYUH and occasionally visiting, the group grows to a peak of about sixty people.

University and Rotuman members from Australia, New Zealand, Alaska, Fiji and Rotuma participated in the meeting. In discussing issues of group identities with migrants, they usually began with a favorable idea of themselves as hardworking, sincere and trustworthy, but often they added that individuals in their own groups can be slanderous, sensitive and hardworking to self-govern.

This means that the power of Rotuman identities fluctuates where there are immigrant groups that come to the forefront of successfully scheduled meetings and fade into the shadows when groupsolidarities are weakened by domestic disputes. One of the main goals of our recent research has been to identify which facets of Rotuman civilization have been highlighted as a symbol of grouphood.

If we have asked the issue directly, the first thing about most immigrants, especially the older generations who have grown up on the isle, is the conservation of the Rotuman languages. There are many deciding factors about speech. It not only encodes cultural uniqueness, but also offers the subtleties of communications that are at the center of Rotuma's intimate and societal world.

Regardless of Rotuma's vocabulary, genealogy, politics, political and social background, individual members are identified as Rotuman members. Controlling information about Rotuma or Rotumans in Fiji or elsewhere is a precious resource. Video tapes have become an important part of culture, enabling immigrants to live through or recall and re-live them.

More and more immigrants, their husbands and wives and children are buying Rotuma literature, music CD's and other Rotuma related materials. In so doing, they participate in the objectification of Rotary civilization and Rotary literature and improve their ability to participate in the discussion. However, of all the extracurricular events supported by immigrant organisations, none is more important for our country's social identities than the Rotuman danc.

Dancing performance contributes to the development of Rotuman's unique and unique heritage in three ways: The Rotumans have the opportunity to intercommunicate with each other in a characteristic way (with a lot of jest and joke) and thus establish a place for the consolidation of interrelations. Texts of the Dancing objectifies and idealizes Rotuma and its cultur.

You value terms like the islands natural beauties, the abundance of nourishment, horticulture and fisheries, and the Rotuman value of hardwork and charisan. Dancing involves the public as a representative of Rotuman civilization and thus promotes the actors' sense of ownership as Rotumans. Heritage artefacts also have a part to play in the promotion of identities, subject to avaliability.

For example, in Fiji they are available in spite of the fact that they are mostly produced on their home islands and are very expensive. Nevertheless, they are presented together with T-Shirt festoons at most ceremonials and are held in high regard as well. Other more easily accessed objects have come to designate the identities of the rotouman (or more generally: polynesia) abroad.

The dress up for particular occasions in insular clothing, the dining of insular dishes and the decoration of houses with shell shells, braided compartments and photos or pictures of Rotuma motifs are all ways of making a statement about one' s own culture, whether publicly or quasi-publically. Rotuma early emigrants - those who went in the 19th and first half of the 20th century and did not come back - were generally admitted to the municipalities in which they were located.

It was a model to disrupt the connection to a particular civilization and, since they were not great correspondents, to end contacts with one' s boyfriends and family. Some of these people's descendents have informed us that they have learned almost nothing about the Isle from their Rotuman ancestors, who apparently had no interest in preserving a Rotuman civilization.

This was partly a result of Rotuma's insulation. The vessels only came to the islands a few days a year, which required a great deal of visiting and the only way to communicate with the local population, apart from writing to them, was an unpredictable and costly mobile phone. In 1981 the building of a runway on Rotuma and the opening of at least a week's flight from Fiji altered the sky.

Together with a more common nautical plan, visiting Rotuma has become much easier for foreigners, which has led to an increase in the flow of goods between immigrant and Rotuma-enclaved areas abroad. Over the past few years, a number of (large) families have met on the islands, in supplement to the group meetings organised by Rotumans from oversee.

Immigrant groups in Australia and New Zealand have also organized Rotuma groups. At the end of the 90s, the establishment of a satelite plate and a phone line enabling direct-dial phone conversations further improved the frequent contacts between immigrants and their families on Rotuma.

A phone call, however costly, seems much more pleasant to Rotuman communications than the more informal way of sending them. This has helped to raise Rotarians' awareness of culture abroad by strengthening relationships between immigrants and their families on their home isle.

In the course of our research, however, we realized that the Rotumans abroad had generally been deprived of touch with family members who had otherwise immigrated. Shortly after we were notified by e-mail, we began to exchange news about Rotuma with some of our fellow researchers on the Isle.

Rotumans' direct contacts with Rotumans or Rotumans' partners who were on-line extended the service. Finally, in 1995, we founded ROTUMANET, a register of interested persons with whom we exchanged news from all Rotuman communities. They sent us messages by e-mail, facsimile or post, and we passed them on to everyone on the mailing lists who had more than sixty e-mail adresses.

In the beginning, the Rotuma website contained a news page and an active news bulletin boards that enabled users to write news and reply to other people's posts. The book also contained articles on Rotumaâ?"s story, languages, peoplecapes, and cultures, using text from our own script. In the cultural section, a general survey and more in-depth articles on subjects such as economics, property, politics, arts handicraft, literature, music and dancing, religious and mythological subjects were presented.

Weâ?? also uploaded a number of photos from our scene and activity file as well as a map of Rotumaâ??s position in relation to Fiji and the distribution of the islands into counties and towns. Added a section that describes the latest releases, with pages for each of the new Rotuma book and how to buy them.

The feedback on the website was very pleasing. The Rotumans at various places told us that they visited the website often, printed the news and passed it on to other Rotumans in their area. Several people became frequent contributors who regularly sent us news from their community for publication. In order to avoid losing any information, we have set up a news archive that contains earlier contributions on a monthly online.

It was used for various uses, such as finding your boyfriends and girlfriends, announcement of forthcoming activities, expression of opinions on various topics, and humorously joking in a way that reminds of Rotuma meetings for families. People and groups made their presences known from places as far away as Hong Kong, Laos, Sweden and Nanaimo (Canada) as well as from places with Rotuman inclaves.

On other occasions, web contacts resulted in real meetings or participation in culture activities. Most of the embassies were in English, although many included a mixture of Rotuman and English, and some were in Rotuman only. Whilst most interaction was good-natured and carried the distinctive hallmark of Rotuman culture samples, especially in the part played by humour, the location was ruled by a small group of anonymity sufferers who published objectionable news characterized by obscene speech, vicious personality assaults, and disregard for Rotuman mores.

Rotumans' response to the site has been encouraging and has helped us to increase its size and introduce new functionality. We Rotumans, for example, had long wanted to make available arcane Rotuma literature and had even (unsuccessfully) followed the opportunity to build up an archives on the islands. This website provided an alternate; we had a number of important 19th c. publication scans made and placed in an archives section.

As practically all of these material is embedded in a publication that is not accessible to the Rotuman population, publication is a means of repatriating documents that allows Rotumans to explore their histories more effectively. We also received a permit from the Bishop's Museum to publish Gordon Macgregor's memo from his 1932 excursion to Rotuma.

We' ve also sniffed all our documents and books that we have released on Rotuma (32 so far, with more in the press) and put them all on the website. As a result, Rotumans (and fellow academics) have simple and convenient online links to our publications, most of which are not readily available except to college library members.

As practically all of these material is embedded in a publication that is not accessible to the Rotuman population, publication is a means of repatriating documents that allows Rotumans to explore their histories more effectively. Considering the importance attached to the languages of immigrants, we considered it a great convenience to make an English-Rotumanisches Wörterbuch available on-line.

For many years, the only Rotuman bilingual lexicon edited by C. M. Churchward (1940) was out of stock. Also, the Rotuman records are only with British definition, so those who want to find the Rotuman equivalents for an Anglophone term get little help. Some years ago, for our own use, we entered Churchward posts in a data base, making it possible to compile a lists of words from German to Rotuman.

6 ] The website provided the possibility of making this information available in an inter-active information medium. The viewer can enter an English-one-word in a phrase field on the monitor and view all Rotuman words that contain it as part of the render. Alternatively, they can go the other way round - with a Rotuman term and gloss.

In order to make the site an interesting place to visit again, we have added a "Proverb of the Week" page from a recently released Elizabeth Inia (1998) and, at the request of Rotumans who visited the site, we have added pages with Rotuman humor and Rotuman recipes. We' ve also created The Rotuman Forum, a series of websites where you can post your own views on Rotuman's past, present, culture, languages and world.

Aim of the Rotuman Club is to give Rotumans and other interested persons the possibility to exchange their opinions on Rotuman -related subjects. The themes covered range from tourist and environment questions to policy questions concerning the Rotuma-Fiji relations. A topic of the panel is the question of Rotary identities, which shows that at least some foreign immigrants consider them worth discussing.

To help them find each other, we have set up the Rotuman Register, an online data base that allows you to fill in a registration sheet in which you can enter your name, your home county and your Rotuma town, your sex and your parents' name, and your postal and e-mail adresses.

You can then use various different filters to find other persons. More than 500 persons have signed up to date. Another way to improve communications was in 1999, when the University of Hawaii, where the site's servers are located, set up a place for online community sharing via chats and pinboard.

As an answer, we have launched the Rotuman Virtual Community, which includes English and Rotuman rooms and several bulletin board for various use. This website is growing and adds new functions from now on. A new section on Rotuman tunes with MP3 and Quicktime audio files and a section on Rotuman performers of the present day show how certain performers have used cultural elements in their production work.

Not only is this a way to make them better known (both inside and outside the Rotuman community), it is, along with regular news page reporting on the achievements of certain people, a way to increase people' s sense of heirloom. We' ve also posted a full text of the Rotuman wedding ceremony that Elizabeth Inia created, but this was superseded by the full text of her recent Rotuman Ceremony text (Inia 2001; we asked her and the publishers for approval to do so).

One Rotuman attorney, who practises in both Fiji and Australia, provided free counsel on issues relevant to Rotumans and Rotumans in Fiji and proposed that his services be published on the website, as we have done. This website has also become a place for Rotuma fundraisers.

The Rotuman Red Ref programme LäjeRotuma (Rotuman Reef), promoted by Rotumans in Fiji, is one of the most dynamic programmes aimed at clean up the ecosystems by organising training them in environmental topics, organising practical clean-ups and educating the island's staff. Part of the funding for the scheme comes from the World Wildlife Fund, but the organisers have said that the website announcement has also raised funds.

7 ] The Rotuma Hospital Board has also successfully used the website to raise money for certain researches. To stay present for the individual, it is necessary to continuously strengthen one' s own outreach. Sometimes the strengthening comes from âothersâ who periodically reminds us of their particular culture by interaction with them in a stereotypical way.

It is also possible to strengthen one' s own culture within one' s own race, especially when the importance of upholding important traditions, ranging from curtailment to ceremonies related to the honour of the whole person's own household, is constantly being recalled. Wherever none of these conditions predominate, where it is a question of personal preferences, resources of temporary amplification are decisive for the maintenance of a sustainable social identities.

None of the elements that enable a powerful social culture is more important than the existence of a fellowship linked to a particular legacy in peopleâ?"s thoughts. The great Diaspora movement of the latter part of the 20th millennium has spread the people of the Pacifica across the world, making the character of the societies somewhat inconvenient.

For Rotumans and other Pacific Islanders, the issues are: Is there going to be a total break-up, with en-claves in different lands developing into thoroughly transforming societies bound to the "home islands" only by way of undefined historic ties? Are there new emerging worldwide societies anchored in the Pacific Islands' culture, history and language?

In order to maintain a truly worldwide fellowship founded on a specific set of values, a key group of people is needed who maintain a regular flow of news and information and develop a feeling of collectivity founded on a constant engagement with mutual traditions and interests. Correspondence, referrals, telephone conversations and casual trips have to some extent nurtured the feeling of a fellowship among different civilizations of different people.

In addition to the ability to send and receive e-mails on a day-to-day and very low budget level, the web also provides the ability to create rooms on the web that can be accessed every day - rooms where you can receive messages, chat and share information, voice your views, look up historic and culture information and keep in contact with each other.

In defining fellowship as a group of people with a shared past or shared socioeconomic and politic interests (Merriam-Webster 1993:, 233), we can say that there is indeed an internationally Rotumanian fellowship. This is a fellowship centred on the Isle itself, where memberships depend at least in part on an interest in the Rotuman story, languages and cultur.

Even more important is that it is a fellowship characterized by a mutual interest in each other's life based on family, matrimony, fellowship or mutuality. The majority of those with ties to the islands want to keep in contact with family, girlfriends and acquaintances; they want to exchange messages and keep abreast of what is happening in Rotuma and elsewhere, where they have family, classmates and mates.

Abroad, however, they also have to deal with the requirements of the culture, which requires the annulment or at least mute of their Rotuman identities. Rotuman's foreign culture will become more intense with each successive generations. This Rotuma website is a joint action on our part to counter these efforts and encourage the commitment of Rotumans to their own world.

It is because we believe that something vital would be wasted if this legacy were abandoned. The Rotuman community's worldwide prosperity is linked to the socialisation of their early years in the Rotuman civilization, and we believe that promoting the growth of a Rotuman society and a sense of ownership of its inheritance will also benefit their newborns.

Isn' that what our culture is about? Social organization of culture difference. Little, Brown and Co. 1994 depictions of our own culture. In 1995 Women clowns and power in Rotuma. Learn to be a Rotuman in 1970. Earthquake-stricken 1999 Pacific-based virtual communities: World Wide Web Rotuma.

in Fiji in 1977: M. Lieber (ed.), exile and immigrants in Oceania. /2001 Where has Rotuman culture gone? Rótuman proverbs (Faeag âes Fuaga) 1998. Rotary ceremonies. a new Rotuman dictionary. Retro-inventing traditional culture: the politics of castom on the island of Melanesia. Theory and Politics of Cultural Development in the Pacific.

1991 Rotuman migration and settlement in Sydney.

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