Melanesian Origin

The Expedition Magazine | The problem of Polynesia origin

After all, how could they have reached the remote outermost isles of the ocean? Since the Pacific Isles were explored, these are the issues that have annoyed and fascinated both scientists and Pacific cultural undergraduates. When fearless Europeans explored the Pacific in the second half of the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, they found the innumerable isles and archipels populated by apparently different populations.

In the mid nineteenth and eighteenth centuries, the Oceania was subdivided into the geographical areas of Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia, whose borders were mainly determined by the external appearance of the breed, the languages and traditions of their people. Out of the three geographical areas listed above, the Polynesian Isles have had a lasting attraction to the West since their discovery, and it was perhaps unavoidable that the large, brown-skinned Polynesians would retain the main burden of proselytizing, exploiting and studying in Europe.

The Polynesians were physical, handsome and susceptible from a European perspective of the nineteenth millennium - in opposition to their shortsighted Melanesian neighbours in the western world. When Polynesia's early discoverers and evangelists began to make new contacts with Polynesia, suspicions of the origin and migrations of this widely scattered "race" began to take a number of path.

Previous research has made errors by suggesting that the Polish breed, civilization and languages - as a whole - were so homogenous that the information collected on one isle could be similarly applicable to all other isles within the Polish geographical area generally known as the "Great Triangle". "As early as 1784, the renowned British sailor and discoverer James Cook suggested the draft of a general concept of racist uniformity and linguistic clarity in Polynesia.

Cook explained her origin: Cook argued in a rather twisty way that the large populace and the absence of traditions that explain their origin pointed to a long time of islander. The Polynesians' early justification for their race identities - in contrast to the Melanesians - range from Samuel Marsden's 1819 postulate that the Polynesians were closely associated with the prolonged strains of Israel, as laid down in the Old Testament, to William Ellis' 1830 observation that the Polynesians had many resemblances with the peoples of the Malaysian strains.

Ellis based his case primarily on language proofs and maintained the belief that not only the Malay and Polynesian language but also the Native Chinese language had a shared origin. Ellis' understanding of the predominant east-west wind conditions lead him to the hypothesis that the hiking trails had taken the Polynesian forefathers along the Bering Strait along the western shore of the Americas, where they were distributed into the Pacific Ocean.

Quote Ellis: "As an alternate to Ellis' US origin of East-West and Cook's Asian origin of West-East Moerenhout came to the conclusion in 1837 that Polynesians should be regarded as indigenous to Oceania, since the unity of their habits and languages could only be explained by the presence of a once great Oceanian continents, which had diminished and only the highest summits pushed their minds across the Pacific Ocean's water.

It was Fraser's feeling that various racist influences that migrated at different periods had inhabited and intermingled the Oceania archipelago. With increasing understanding of Polynesia, it became increasingly hard to explain a homogenous physics theories to the Polynesians. By 1907, J. Macmillan Brown was the first scientist to try to interpret Polish origin and migration on the basis of actual observation.

At 1914, Friedrici, using information from the field of anthropological and linguistic physics, suggested that there were three fundamental racist items involved in theory of the colonization of the Pacific Basin. It was not until the end of the 1920s that a concertation was undertaken to collect the metric information of the live population in Polynesia and Oceania.

Roland B. Dixon analysed skull measurement of live population in Oceania and Southeast Asia in a brief paper titled "A New Theorie of Polinesian Origins" and came to the conclusion that four race species are present in Polynesia. In a later opinion, he proposed that five different races were necessary for the peoples of the remote areas of East Polynesia and especially Easter Island.

Kenneth P. Emery of the Bernice P. Bishop Museum in Honolulu has suggested the following opinion in a current evaluation of dates that are pertinent to Polynesia's origin: Emiery's vision of Polynesia is currently supported by many Pacific scientists and was developed by Roger Green. On the basis of the available Linguistical and Archeological proofs, Green believes that the West Indies suggested by Emery should be designated as Fiji and that the proof of a Melanesian origin of the Polynesians in Fiji is quite simple.

When looking for the direct origin of Polynesians in Melanesia, as proposed by Emory, Green and others, what have been the causes of the perceived race variety and the supposed differences in culture between the two groups, i.e. Melanesians and Polynesians? Past Palestinian Ocean surveys have generally ignored the environmental elements present in the Palestinian Sea, as they were considered to be consistent or general throughout the area.

Recent environmental and geologic research has shown that the Pacific islets are very varied. Pacific Isles cover more than 60 million sq. m. of the oceans, most of them within the tropics. Contiguous isles like New Zealand and New Guinea. Hawaii, Fiji and the Society Group.

Low, non-volcanic tufa rock islets, surface coated with corals and limestone containing foramin. An atoll, made up of lagoon shaped reinefs and low sand islets. Although we recognise their great geographical division and ecological variety, each archipelago within Oceania can be regarded as an almost discreet or enclosed micro-environment.

A. P. Vayda says that physical wealth, the capacity to carry on traditional traditions or to realize new possibilities are directly or indirect influenced by the world. Equally important for differentiating the populations is the number of initial colonisers on an isle and the specific part of a large parental stock they represents - this part is what works in the particular islet.

Colonisation and travel in the Pacific isles has been a controversial issue since its inception. A 1956 report on the accomplishments and shortcomings of the pre-European Polynesian voyage argued Andrew Sharp that Polynesia was populated as a consequence of "accidental" landings by travellers who were either perished at sea or sent into unintentional Iraq.

Prior to Sharp's research, the Oceania anthropologists' orthodoxy was that pre-European Polynesians were able to maintain periodic contact between 2,000 mile open oceans and that Polynesia's invasion and ensuing colonization resulted from journeys of "exploration and large-scale migrations" to the new countries found.

Sharp's survey of the available ethnographical resource for Polynesia did not endorse this notion. Regarding the impact of such migrations on the genetics and physics of small communities, Ward Goodenough notes: He also pointed out that tradition indicates a large number of reciprocations within the West Polynesia region of Fiji, Tonga, Samoa and so on.

While the consequences for East Polynesia would indicate that the archipelago would remain separate from the remainder of the Pacific after settlement as a whole. More recent research on Melanesian population groups and genes has shown that Swindler and Simmons are sufficiently homogenous to be considered as an important breed or geographical breed.

In Melanesia, the continuous interchange of genetics within a geographical area over a longer term has made the different groups more similar than groups from outside the area. The results indicate that much has changed in the area, with the probability that the population of the area has experienced large changes in genetics and morphology in comparison with the original colonists from whom it originated.

Wright has found that in very small communities, small variations in the frequency of genes seldom, if ever, lead to progress in evolution, but often to significant variation through what is known as accidental shifting. The accidental genetical shift, according to Glass and Brues, can only increase the genetical variation present in isolated population, while the same effect will be inefficient in large population, as pressure selectivity remains highly consistent.

Later increases in the growth of a small population, in isolation, will not invert any of the trends or traits that the small group has learned as a consequence of droft, but will transform them into robust traits. Since the number of a populations increases and continues to be drifting in a cohesive cultivation system, the influence of new genes on the populations will be proportionate to the number of the incumbent and newcomers.

When the new genome comes from the parental pooled, the effect of the genetically induced influence on the isolated animal is strongly minimised. In relation to the entry of genetic matter into a populations isolating glass states: There are several ways in which the effect of Glass' reasoning can be felt on the Pacific isles.

Establishing a relatively large populations in a vulcanic island would be minimal impaired by a small but consistent dose of heredity. It is unlikely that the genetical "stamp" of the large, well-established populations would be significantly changed as they would accept newcomers. On very small isles, or atolles, however, a new arrival canoeload could dramatically change genetics within a family.

Because of the very limited agricultural and nutritional resource on low island areas, the maximal populations would be much smaller than in the heavily polluted-volcanoes. Expanding the size of the tunnel populations could be significantly curtailed in a very brief time by the requirements of tsunami, starvation or typhoons. This would mean that the difference in numbers between the locals and newcomers (accidentally or not) in Korallenatollen is generally much smaller than on atriums.

Importance of exogenous diseases affecting the marine populations is of paramount importance for the measuring and documenting of people. Paired with a significant decrease in the number of people affected was the inflow of new genetically modified organisms from the above-mentioned pathogens. The majority of the most advanced indigenous centres have been most affected by diseases and most affected by Europe's genetics because they are of interest to Europeans as trading centres and as areas with good agricultural stocks.

The massive population outbreaks in the large conurbations resulted in many "back-water" areas, which were relatively free of merchants but were later the main goals of mission agencies in Europe, America and Australia. Workers from plantations returned foreign women of Middle Eastern and Canadian Aborigines to further change the genetics of the islands' people.