How many Islands make up SamoaThe number of islands in Samoa?
Siedlungsarchäologie, the investigation of habitation models or communal designs, has become very common in recent years. 2 The aim is to investigate the composition of the populations at a certain point in a given period and the type of composition. Polynesia provides an excellent framework for housing development research in many ways.
Second, Polish society has only been subject to continental influences for a relatively short time, and for most archipelagos there is a wealth of historic information that can be traced back to archeological proof, often with fertile results. During the last years there have been significant disputes about the essence of Samoa's society and politics.
Samoan lineage has an influence on the attempt to reconstruct proto-malayo-Polynesian lineage and possession. More recently, the case has focused on the type of governmental authorities and shifts in Samoa, covering settlements and populations, demographic pressures and efforts to sketch historic developments to the present day.
Another evolution was Ember 8's call for an archeological review of his position. Green took up his invitation and pointed out that such an archeological review would be hard, if not impossible. Therefore, it was not possible to do so. Though archeological proofs, as proposed by Ember for Samoa, are not easy to find, it has been shown elsewhere that archeology can make a contribution in areas such as demarcation of populations and demarcation of communities.
Since the argument was outlined in the sense of "indigenous Samoa", it is necessary to consider both archeological and historic resources in order to clarify certain points. In this article, archeological and historic proofs about the type and division of communities, demographic growth and the presence of layering or centralization of the authorities are examined to see if archeology can make a contribution to the argument about Samoa.
Earlier re-constructions suggest that Samoa was quite common in 1840 for Samoa in 1800 or 1750. As 1840 is the first year for which quite solid reporting is available, it is possible to debate "Aboriginal Samoa", relying strongly on what is known about 1840.
In 1832 Williams revisited Samoa for about two weeks and spent about six successive nights on Savai'i, two in Manono, two in Satupaitea (Savai'i southern coast) and two in Apia, with short trips to Manu'a and Leone (in Tutuila). Change may not have spread to other cultural issues, but there is clear proof that the pre-European faith was totally disturbed before a local Europeans was able to describe it.
Firstly, the allocation of settlement areas and in particular the degree to which both land and coastline areas were previously populated at different time. Golson conducted the first thorough investigation of the archeological remnants in Samoa in 1957. Previously, there had been sporadic reporting on single habitats of impressing or traditional importance - 49 Natur 39, but no general overview.
To collect further information on the type and allocation of locations, the author conducted a six-month site survey in Upolu from 1965 to 1966. The Falefa Valley, which is probably the largest, most productive and best irrigated area on the islands and offers optimal living space for settling in the interior; the declining plain behind the town of Lalomanu in Aleipata; and part of the vast LSTEC orchard in Mulifanua.
In Falefa, locations were only restricted by the sheer mountains in the center of the isle. Most of the locations in all three areas were made up of houses and stonewalls, occasionally with large or unusual hills. A further issue is the definition of coastline and inner-dwellings.
So it is not claimed here that there were two irreconcilable types of settlements, namely coastline and landlocked areas, the latter being preferred in pre-European time. It also seems impossible, given the Samoan approach of the Samoans of the relative natures of i úa and i ti and the varying terrains of the major islands of Upolu and Savai'i, to define an indiscriminate boundary of half a nautical kilometer, one kilometer or two nautical miles offshore and to define the village on one side of this line as a coastline and on the other as a landlock.
This opinion is not really backed up by the archeological proof. A number of places agree with the description of walled shelters, but most of the places covered, as well as those in the Falefa and Vaigafa valleys, are significant, well-built homes in relatively un- - 51 defenced circumstances that are neither transient shelters nor lightly-walled.
Others, such as some in Vailelele and Luatuanu'u, are certainly in easy to defend places, but 19 c. war in Samoa describes that seaside towns could and often were just as effective fortification. It' s reasonable that many communities would have a shrub sanctuary, but most'domestic' areas do not fall into this class, and the many home towns, whether in the interior or on the coast, would be just as hard to secure.
There is also no hard historic or corroborating proof that the interior settlements were at war, apart from contemporary Tongan invasion history. In many cases there are indications of shrub huts, which obviously refer to a recognizable class of archeological site, to which most of the places at issue in the interior of the country do not fall.
There' is a history that says that the un defended places in the interior of the Falefa River were deserted by their residents, who escaped to the shore in difficult periods to live with the humans to increase their safe. It is evident that their deserted, partially archeologically identifiable fresh waters were not constructed in reaction to the warfare.
In the whole Of Falefa and on the adjacent Solaua plain there are large remnants of former villages located in the interior behind Apia and northwest of Upolu and in the Aleipata area. It' not possible to believe that all these locations could be manned at the same one.
Next settlement description comes from the time when there were already a number of whites living in Samoa, the Samoans were already conscious of a new faith and yearned for it, and the populations may have already clearly decreased. Walpole, who was in Samoa in the mid-1840s, made the first clear message of a faith that still seems to be deeply rooted in the heads of many Samoans.
its name for the stonehouse platforms] in the interior testify to the greatness of these towns. The Samoans today often express this opinion as "when the Gospel came...". "Golson got this information from several informers, and the following Samoa peasants were said the same.
Places of abandoned towns and remnants of plantations were often seen in the savage scrub. Archeology should also be able to determine the type of settlement and its position in Samoa. It is agreed that the fundamental policy unity in Samoa was and is the Nu'u, which is generally transliterated as town.
For the Samoans, however, the word Nu'u refers to the group of titles and their owners, wherever they are. In theory, there could be a multitude of types of settlements within the municipality without changing the community's internal welfare and government. Alternatively, the single-core area.
There are two major Samoa entities smaller than Nu'u and several large groups. A smaller entity is the foot i a la, or measuring on the way, which often seems to match the property of a certain group of families or part of it.
An abundance of different vocabulary was used to describe these different layers of the community and the community and/or government. Earlier authors generously referred to churches, smallholdings, communities, cities and counties, with the county being used both for the large partitions of an isle such as A'ana and for much smaller sub-regions such as Falelatai.
Part of the disorientation caused by the presence of "domestic" towns in early historical periods seems to be due to the different use of the same expression. In 1840 when he reconstructed the Samoan colony, Watter decided on a base entity, which he named the colony, which was not a small town but part of a town.
So he used "village" for the Nu'u and "settlement" for a part of the town. It is regrettable, since he is practically the only early author who says something about the interior population. Said there were 54 interior towns on Upolu and 38 in Savai'i when he reached Samoa. In 1964, test digs in the soil of a Vaigafa home showed an above-average concentrations of rock chips of very fine-grained base material suited for the production of ade.
In the early writers' accounts of Samoa in Europe, the author did not find a detailed account of the production of stones, and the understanding of this kind of work seems, as can be inferred. Additional research could provide similar answers for other large and seemingly political autonomous inner cities. However, a more frequent type of inner housing estate would have been the Stair's Village.
Usually the Nu'u titles would stretch from the shore far intoland. An archeologist who explores Samoa's places, he is faced with a confusing variety of archeological places that often seem to be spread all over the country. However, it can be said that there is little proof of discreet germination outside the currently populated areas.
In Upolu, the former coast occupied by today's settlement is largely hidden. During the exploration of Upolu, three settlement areas in the interior of the country were found which had the impression of nuclear and intended settlement. First is Vaigafa, whose main part was a well -built platform on both sides of an elevated cairn.
It was a large and well designed estate that could be described as a town. It is therefore proof of the presence of the germ cell envisaged - 58 towns at the end of the pre-historic age. Sasoa' a, one of several designated and known predecessors of the great contemporary seaside town of Falefa, was discovered by old men in this town.
Most importantly, both archeological and historic proofs show that Sasoa'a belongs to the early post-European (i.e. after 1830) age. For this site, which is classified as a nuclear site due to its intended location and the lack of further locations in the immediate proximity, no conventional information was obtained.
Other two are of a magnitude to be found in the parts of the town, as they are smaller than the smallest of the present-day towns, and their location would make them well suitable for parts of the town situated in an internal section of vicarages, provided that the vicarages have in the past inhabited similar areas as the Falefa and Saluafata area.
In Upolu, other areas of land have also been investigated. It was nowhere possible to find an archaeological identification of a colony that corresponds to the perfect Samoan town that was properly laid out over the Malaea, although this arrangement already existed in pre-European time. are spread across the isle, living together in small colonies with many of them not more than 50 residents, and these are divided by long distance.
It may be hard to assess the number of towns, the homes are so dispersed and one often doubts how many homes should make up a town. This is further proof of the variety in the design of Samoan towns then and now. Situated around a malaea, in the perfect shape as it is today in Saleimoa, for example, the town is now seldom visited and, when it comes to evangelistic description, even less frequently in the decades before 1840, when something not dissimilar to today's habitation was described.
A lot of what has been said so far refers to the most recent parts of Samoan history. This is the last building on a site that has been preserved in a recognizable shape, while most locations in an area have for the last case helped a vibrant town. It is unlikely that the archaeological methods of settlements can be successfully used in the past, unless a strange coincidence left an isle or part of an isle hundreds of years ago and did not reoccupy it.
However, excavation at specific locations can provide useful information on the length and abundance of settlement in an area, even if the scale and patterns of settlement are not apparent at a particular early stage. That is certainly the case in Samoa. It is therefore fairly certain that these domestic home locations were not a one-off settlement stage or occasional manifestation of an anomaly in a regular coast squat.
Obviously, the lives of a home can be less than 20 years, and obviously not all the homes were full all the times or all at once. This requires, among other things, an enormous number of people. However, it is also seen that the garrison in the interior took place during the entire known period of Samoa's occupancy.
and are presumably as old as any other site in Samoa. Sasoa' a is two leagues upcountry. So far, each site has been testing whether it has a surprise housing development level, and the landlocked locations are at least as old or older as the coastline soils.
Wherever most places have a significant settlement deepness and complexities, excavation, especially on early plains, is practically not possible under the current conditions of Polish archeology. It is not only that former seaside activities are covered by today's settlements, but one can also be sure that the visual part of almost every fresh water is the last of a series of changes to the same place.
To sum up, the crew's dispersion, as evidenced by the archeological remnants, has, at least in Upolu over the last 2,000 years at various points in history, extended to both the coastline and freshwater areas, as well as to areas that are currently uninhabited. It is much more complicated to define the type of settlement in relation to the sizes and patterns of the communities, because while many of the places that can be seen are probably relatively recent, when they are dug up, these places have gradually changed and reused over long stretches of the years.
Whilst some seemingly discreet groups could be detected in the fields, it has generally proven almost impossibility to simply locate groups as discreet groups of locations. Are there any possibilities to derive the former attendance of high-ranking persons or supra-local authorities of any kind from very large or otherwise differentiable locations?
In 1832 Williams said that Bono was kept in the administration building "or on a shaded meadow that has every important settlement". It seems that every separate fellowship had a kind of mala, and there were also county mala, and at least at certain points in time a recognized one.
Unfortunately, it is not possible to archeologically locate former Malay places, regardless of whether they are located locally or in the districts of malaea, so this characteristic is of little use at least for the identification of municipalities or people of high status (who can be considered to be of greater importance than the community in the vicinity of malae).
There is a much greater amount of information about townhouses. The parish hall was obviously the most important characteristic of a village for the visit of a missionary, and although the missionary used a variety of concepts, it is clear that they all relate to the same thing. The chieftain's home is often referred to as separate from the large one.
In Pagopago in 1836 Platt was compelled to attend services in the chieftain's home, since there was no other home nearby that was comfortable, and the big one was used for music. The majority of archeological places, at least on Upolu, which are located on relatively lowlands, are not more than one metre high.
The only other example of a church of any kind received by a Upolu or Savai'i evangelist was the famed site of two immummified chieftains in Amaile, Aleipata. It' s quite astonishing that Dumont d'Urville saw and recognized a fountain in a small village between Apia and Faleata that none of the evangelists cited.
The most important archeological account of this time by far is one by Platt on his trip around Upolu in 1836. There are some near the coastline, others far upcountry. Among the proposed readings are dovecote loops and places of worship. However, it seems quite certain that this is a place of worship, and if the known distributions of these places are analyzed, they may have some importance for the pattern of settlements.
The reconstruction of Samoan societies in the 19th and 20th centuries by Turner, Pritchard and Stair, agreed that most nu'u had a faale atmosphere that did not differ from normal dwellings. The first stage of the construction of the sanctuary, which comprised pure local styles and calcareous sanctuaries, began before 1835; the construction of the sanctuary began around 1841, 156 and after that the Samoan construction of the sanctuary became custom.
Archaeological digs can show that certain, otherwise insignificant building locations were enclosed by small enclosures; however, this kind of church would normally not be recognizable in the case of photographs of fields. It seems that the opposite is the case with Savai'i. 169 The allocation of these specialized areas could also be of great importance for the final determination of demographic distributions.
Were constellations and other specialized places to appear mainly isolated, they would be useless in responding to queries about the population' s composition, but there is much to suggest that they have often been associated with other remnants. When they could be presented as modern with geographically connected building locations, they could then be used as common marker and would show that the population was at some point widely dispersed.
It is unlikely that the total lack of constellations in contemporary communities is significant, as it is likely that former constellations were torn down or reconstructed as home decks in these circumstances. It should be noted here that there are good indications that both the biggest pile of soil and the biggest pile of stones found so far do not fall into this group, but are rather dwellings - 70 or at least completed in such a way that they could be used as dwellings.
However, as a rule, locations that are provisionally classified as being of a religion will be in the high dimension. If more than one such home were in the immediate vicinity, the existence of more than one chieftain with more or less equivalent stature within a fellowship would be indicated. Churches seen by evangelists were always undistinguishable from other homes, except the small ghost town of Tutuila, and without Platt's descriptions of the supported hill on Upolu one would be inclined to believe that there were no large hills.
In the case of the buildings that have been erected on various kinds of hills, it should be noted that the archeological excavations have so far resulted in only one of them. Today the word frale telecom is usually used for the almost round building but early description is clear that the common building could be more elliptic than round.
It is also obvious that the folio which is often considered today as the most appropriate building for a fountain or a large guesthouse, was built in the first half of the 19th cen. A major problem is the state and variety of the locations themselves.
Samoa's flora is such that it is hard to get all the information about a number of locations. But in A'ana even the ten years ago squatted building decks have become a heap of rocks. In Upolu there are few concentration of stony hills, where a large stony hill is encircled by many smaller places, but clumps of soil are found in groups.
These great places are also the only archeological proofs of the dispute over the standing and supra-local authorities in Samoa. This information, which we have collected so far for mound of soil, indicates that most of it was constructed several hundred years ago, and the tradition for the greatest indicates that it was the home of the high chieftain Tupuivao in the 17th cent.
A very large rocky hill at Leulumoega, ascribed to the Tamalelagi period, 170, which is said to have been living in the 16th or early 17th cent. is further proof that such places can be of some ancient times. There would be a new scale to the dispute over the Samoan welfare system if it could be shown that the biggest and most spectacular places are all several hundred years old and are part of a period in which high-ranking title owners have been able to attract a greater number of workers.
It was Stair who thought that the Samoan welfare system was much more autonomous and strategically structured in the past, 171 and it would indeed be interesting if archeological proof of such a point of view could be presented. The majority of intercultural adjustment surveys in Polyynesian society are partially dependent on an estimation of demographic pressures on available natural-resource.
It was generally assumed that there was no demographic pressures in Samoa, although Ember claimed that there was widespread support for readily available farmland and that this resulted in an intensified war and germination. The archeology cannot give definite solutions to issues of demographic growth or pressures, but archeological proof can give guidance on two issues.
It makes sense for archeological proof s to give an idea of how long the islands will be inhabited, so that demographic development patterns can be used. This may allow proposals to be made to examine the issue of demographic pressures.
Samoa's total number of inhabitants is now well over 100,000, 174 and there are still few signs of demographic pressures. However, almost all the areas used today either for a living or for industrial plantation have their share of 73 archeological places. There are also locations, many of them home locations, in the outback in remote areas no longer used for the garden.
One cannot conceive that even a considerable number of these places were manned on the islands at the same time. However, it is very uncommon today for a Samoan to build a new paving block for a home when there is an old one nearby that can be reused, and there is much archeological proof of the reuse of old places in the past.
Archeology has also shown that about 2,000 years ago there were enough people on Upolu to have left traces of settlement in three of the four areas where excavation work has been underway. This would help explaining both the decrease in populations before 1840 and the relatively low impact of epidemics on Samoans in comparison to other islands in Polynesia.
It' s certainly correct that the first populations for Samoa in the 19th centuries were only guesswork, as can be seen from their size. Seventeen-nine hundred and ninety-seven are cited by Peter Turner, the Wesleyan misionary who found out that Samoa did not do justice to the call that the vessels brought to Tonga.
Back then he said that there could be 25,000 on all the islands, 180, although he later reluctantly raised this number to 30,000. The more sensible thing is perhaps Williams' 1832 estimation that there may have been 40,000 or 50,000, but no more, and that the populace was heavily thin (unspecified) by war and other ills.
The observations on the number of inhabitants must be evaluated in the same way as they were made. Georges Turner's comment that "very false accounts of the people of these islands have been spread" is often cited, but it is not clear that he wrote about his own county of Safata.
It had recently registered its inhabitants at 2,900, a number different from that of 5,000 given by cops, the former office holder, slightly more than a year before. Proof of the number of inhabitants during this era is dispersed and conflicting. 179 Further archeological proofs of the occupation 2,000 years ago imply a total of more than 10 people at that particular point in history, which confirms Piry's own opinion that his rooms were conservatively built.
He said it is possible that the Samoan people could have grown to over 70,000 in pre-European time. But if there was no demographic pressures, why did the total increase to only 45,000? With the number of archeological places in the whole group, the opinion is confirmed that the populations had decreased considerably by 1840.
Against McArthur's opinion, these deserted places were by no means all in areas that were embroiled in the immediate pre-missionary war. Again, the proofs of the war, especially its efficacy in the reduction of the populace, are contradictory. In Upolu there is ample archeological proof of the use of earth wall reinforcements in various parts of the islands, although this proof has so far been much more restricted by other islands.
The patterns seem to have been to retreat into shrub huts (archaeological specimens customary in Upolu), while the intruders were destroying the harvests and homes, but only seldom, in order to find semi-permanent shelter in another area. However, these cases come at a point in history when there was probably no demographic pressures in the affected areas.
We can only hypothesize the pattern of war in an early era in which there may have been a higher number. Therefore, it is very hard to estimate the importance of war in the Aborigines Samoa. All in all, it does not seem very likely that warmongering in pre-European countries had the greatest impact on the people or caused them to decrease in the years before 1830.
The debate about the people of Samoa is necessarily not conclusive. With regard to the current state of archeology in Polynesia, the Samoan group, especially Western Samoa, has been studied quite extensively. Indeed, the most important points to which archeological proof s can add are very marginally inferior to the principal arguments of man.
In 1840 Samoa may not have remained entirely unaltered due to the influence of Europe and cannot certainly be used as a point of departure for the description of the Samoa Aborigines. In pre-historic times, the type and scale of the archeological relics indicate that the inhabitants were spread over the interior and coastline.
Moreover, a significant part of the internal population does not seem to be related to the military situation, although there are strongholds in the interior of the country. A number of domestic colonies can be documented in the 1830' s and others shortly before 1830 - probably between 1800 and 1830. On the other end of the timescale, excavation has shown that domestic sites have been used for both housing and agriculture for 2,000 years.
So there are signs that the concentrations of such a large part of the entire coastal populace are a new phenomena. Though some deserted villages appear to be nuclear villages, most of them are more of a scattered group. However, it is possible that under certain circumstances the people of a Nu'u could be scattered over their land and still work as Nu'u around a Malay, a communal home and a church somewhere in these countries.
One of the most common features of the 1830s housing estates was the falle telehouse or communal building, which was to be a useful aid for housing-study. However, further work is needed to investigate and analyse the dispersion of such locations before they can be properly understood and their usefulness as high level visibility flags or indications of population.
The majority of the large and imposing places do not date from the immediate pre-European era, but from a century ago. It is hard to understand the existence of many large and imposing places on Savai'i when one considers the greater importance of various other counties in the last few hundred years. Lastly, the diversity of archeological places and the temporal depletion of settlements suggest that issues of demographic increase and pressures should be further examined before the Samoan case is taken up in intercultural scholars.
Visiting Samoa at Dunottar Castle to find Thomas Heath and others. A. T. L. BOUGAINVILLE, L. de, 1771. The Samoan material culture. Diary of a trip from Rarotonga to the Maritime Islands and tour around Savai'i. the Samoan. A. T. L. microfilm - ms 1837. A. T. L. CALKINS, Fay G., 1962.
This is my Samoan chief. Siedlungsarchäologie. This is my consulate in Samoa. "Archeological excavations in two burial mounds near Atele, Tongatapu". ¡Samoa mo Samoa. Establishment of the independent state of Western Samoa. "Non-unilinear descent groups of Samoa." "of the Samoan kinship." "in the Aboriginal Samoa."
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Archaeological Association of New Zealand Newsletter 10:26-34. Archaeological site on the island of Mo'orea, French Polynesia. Bay of Islands Archaeological Museum 1964-1965. Prehistory of New Zealand. A. T. L. microfilm - ms. It' a Samoan story. "The Sailor or Samoa Islands. "In reference to Ember's'Political authority and the structure of kinship in Aboriginal Samoa'.
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Photomicrofilm in A.T.L. POESCH, Jessie, 1961. That Samoan reporter. Ancient Samoa. The Samoan adventure. "Soilhill in Samoa." "Aims and promises of archaeological settlement". A hundred years ago and long before that. It was Samoa, 1834-1870. A. T. L. - ms. Epistle of October 1, 1834, but documented by hard proof (describing the encounter with Heath and others) that it was published in 1836.
It was Samoa, 1834-1870. A. T. L. - ms 1836a. It was Samoa, 1834-1870. A. T. L. microfilm - ms 1836b. It was Samoa, 1834-1870. A. T. L. WALPOLE, F., 1849. "Age of Samoa settlement: 1840". "Cultural and environmental in old Samoa." A. T. L. microfilm - 1838. This is a story about missionary enterprises in the South Sea Islands.
Includes the section "Remarks on Exiting Samoa". Woman in the Mitchell library traced back to Barff, copy in A.T.L. WILSON, M., ms 1836. It was Samoa, 1834-1870. Soil and land use in West Samoa.