Anuta Island

Island Anuta

Island Anuta is an island in the Solomon Islands. Collect the best Anuta Island Solomon Islands books on our marketplace - in one of the most isolated and traditional Polynesian societies: the little "runaway" of Anuta, in the east. BeschreibungAnuta, a small Polynesian community in the eastern Solomon Islands, had minimal contact with external cultural forces. Radiator Post though, I had never heard of this island, thanks OP! Island Anuta (Solomon Islands) -- Social life and customs.

Travel in a small canoe: The life and times of a Solomon Islander - Lloyd Maepeza Gina

Though the biography of the famous Solomon Islander Sir Lloyd Maepeza Gina has a singular value for the Solomon Islander, it has general features that will interest individuals outside the Solomon Islands. Of the few who know about the Solomon Islands' past, this one distills a great deal:

Relatives and Alliance on the Island of Anuta, by Richard Feinberg, P 327-348

is a Polynesian runaway 75 northeast of Tikopia in the Solomon Islands. 2 is subdivided into 19 basic housing blocks or apartments. In the ideal case, these patongias constitute large patri-lateral households and are the smallest possessions that the island owns, produces and consumes.

However, help and cooperation between the patongias is often needed. Consequently, each Anutan is potentially a member of the childred Kana a pato of any other individual on the island and can be mobilized to offer financial aid in various circumstances. As the kinship that unites the two humans grows, so will the ties of the Arope ( "and the more often and intensively the degree of mutual understanding and support"), both between them as persons and between their patongias.....

Whereas the relatives of anutans comprise the entire island's inhabitants, the - 328'relatives' are divided into a number of discreet cathegories. Anutans differentiate between Maori'nah' and Pakaapaapa'fern' relatives inadvertently. Inatians are always in a different kind of pathongia than the initiates and are often only remotely related to him by family.

However, by acting as the main recipient of these ceremonial presentations, they and all the members of their patients are turned into "close" relatives of the initiated and his family. Anutans do not have a favourable order prescribing a certain category of persons to be married into, but only a prohibition to prohibit marriages to immediate relatives.

Anutane, te koano a paito, can be used with several different speakers. This can be related to all of one' s father' s relatives and can also be used, with restrictions, to name maternal relatives. The limits of Canary Islands change with the language in which one speaks.

I' ve been asked by informers to tell me that every relative, no matter how related and remote, is contained in his own ko a patito, while at other time I was said that the ko a patito only relates to the particular one. I' was notified that relations through marriages and motherly relations are not members of their own koano a pato, while other informers have claimed that they are, although with the proviso that koano a pato and pa i tea pa o tea pa o tea papine'is equal to koano a pato on the side of the woman' (i.e., affinale and motherly relations are in ego's koano a pato, but on the side of the woman).

Thus, it is not a group with consistent boundaries. Anutan disagrees about who should and who should not be admitted, and even the same whistleblower can be consistent from one opportunity to the next. The most important rituals are the replacement of foods and sometimes also of consumer goods. On the terminology side, this relation is reconstructed by the counter-position of e - 331 ko a patriarchal side (which, if not qualifying, is meant) and e ko kan a patriarchal side (kano a patio i tai o t pa o t papine'the koano a patio on the woman's side').

First ( (1963:213-7) described the Tikopian koano a patito as a bilaterally related person. It is also suitable for the Anutans, as long as it is recalled that there is a basic division into parts which (in religious contexts) are antagonistic. Furthermore, one of these chapters, te pai o te paperine, is only contained in kono a patito with some great provisos.

The rituals of crises in our lives include the interchange of foods and often commodities between different parts of our family. These two key people and the presents they are given are called innati. It is called the' iiki wonga iati'carrying the inati', a concept that can also be used for the people to whom the presents are given.

Usually the Priestation of Pad Maatua is brought to the top of the "clan" of the egos, or better said, to the older man in the family of the egos dad, who is in the pathongia of the chief of his "clan". When this man is away from the island, or when he is dead, his oldest available bro or boy will be replaced.

It is not possible to carry the natives as members of one's own body, and therefore, if the egos are members of the chieftain's body (or "clan leader"), the preestation must be made into another group within the "clan". Nor may the Eni be given to a member of a Patrongia with one or more members whose egos have a very strong genetic connection.

Moreover, marrying your own genitals is a breach of the laws of incestuous behavior and ego. Then the suitable individual to get the presents to be given in his name was the sire of the current Sr. They are also not taken to the three troops led by Pu Paone's patriilateral, first, simultaneous co-ins, as until recently they all constituted a unique pattern of patongias, making these troops too close to each other to be inatians.

Thus two Patongias remain in the'Clan'. When the egos' parent is furious at a member of the Patientongia to whom the Indians are normally taken, they can manifest their emotions by wearing their gifts elsewhere. Kainanga i Rotomua in 4th place has only one single patient and her presentations of Pad Maatua have been transferred to one of the middle troops in Kainanga i Pangatau for several generation.

Usually the receiver of preestation is the oldest nurse of maatua pa, although if this man has no nurse or tight relative, the present can go to his oldest daughters or the daughters of his brothers or cousins - whoever is the oldest woman who was borne in his sisters.

Papa tatina is the maternal side and is usually the boy of the man to whom she was introduced to Papa Maatua although the patterns can be broken by either individual incompatibilities or a badly selected marital relationship. Prior to the delivery of their first baby, the parent and his or her patient have a certain amount of freedom to determine where their child's patient's patient presentations will be received.

However, once the oldest child's delivery is characterized by a rite known as pronounced pronunciation of the pair's descendants, the initials of all their descendants are scheduled for the rest of their years. Beside the pa maaatuaa, macitanga and thuatina sometimes a 4th section of theati is called.

It is known as the grandparents' side of a child, and the show is given to the parent of a child, who is the parent of a child, who is the Egos' mum. Thus a second endowment is added to the maternal side to balance the two on the father's side, and an anutanic trend to organize things in the form of mated opposites is upheld.

Figure 2 shows the relative's ceremonial structures as mirrored in the teachings of the inti. Sometimes local family members or other members of their patients are decisive. Occasionally the exchange is confined to the fatherly side, which only takes place between the Egos P√Ętongia and those of his father's sister, and once - as part of the curtailment ceremony for a young man - all the wives of his family, "mothers" and "father's sisters", work together to prepare meals for the exhibition before the "brothers of the mother".

During the first darkness of the baby's lifetime the fathers nurses deliver gifts to the child's parent, and during the next few evenings one or more of the father's nurses remain in the child's home to help the mothers as she recovers. Patongias on the side of the Fathers work together as one and those who have the strongest connection with the Blessed Virgin do the same.

Both sides then take their cooked meals to the child's home, where they are given by the child's parent, supported by his family. Then, all the mothers of the infant assemble in the home of pa maatua, the mothers' daughters' daughters in the home of pa macitanga and the mothers' brethren in the pa tatina for a ceremonial dinner.

In the one panamaunga I saw, 21 hampers of meal were presented by the child's fatherly relatives and 10 by his motherly relatives. On their mothers side and on their fathers side, the 10 and nine were divided between the 19 Patongias. The chieftains had two hampers, three for the catechists and their helpers, three for the crews of the canoes, who supplied the waterfishes, three for the three twigs of the Inatis and one for the - 335 mothers of the children all came from the catechesis.

At the first date of the celebration, the child's grandpa (not the Inati), or a member of the grandfather's parish church, will take the infant to the mound for the first time in a ritual known as "te pakamatamata". Meanwhile, everyone prepares a meal for the man who brought the infant to the mound in the name of the child's ancestor.

Next day the mothers of the baby go back to the celebration at the grandfather's home. Approximately one weeks after these incidents, the mother's relatives present meal to the sire in the name of the sire' s sire. My dearly beloved fathers send their "blood relatives" to his home and there is another festival.

In this case, the child's ancestor' siblings are eating in the father' s home while others are gathered outside. He and his wife are preparing for this ritual for many month, and plant and cultivate large amounts of aliment. Once this is done, all the boy's relatives meet at his parents' home or the boy's pasongia and begin the fun.

The" brethren of the mother" meal is stacked in the front part of the home (te matapare, the part of the highest honor), and there they are sitting for dinner. The" Fathers Sisters" assemble around their meal, stacked at the back (Tuaumu, the place of the least spiritual appreciation), while the" Grandparents" are at the (neutral) end.

A whole sunday is celebrated in the Haus der Angeaa. The last night a dancing starts in the hotel and then goes into the interior to the stoves, where the meal was arranged for the guests to arrive. Eating a meal of Pekakitanga, Pekatina and Pekituna, as well as a meal cooked by the sire and his son a Pekit, can mean that up to 200 hampers are made.

On this point the Angeaa is ready, but sometime later the children's families get their meals back. Aside from the fact that there is no pre-station of commodities, the distributions of uncooked foods are not made, and there is no section of them.

There is a ritual named ?Vai Pa? that marks the returning of a young man from his first journey to Patutaka, an island about 30 nautical miles out. Over the next two wards, the young man will have his meal at the home of one of his father's nuns (this may be, but it is not necessarily the case with his sibling, but it is the case with his sibling, that is, with a celebration named tea paratavanga, which is promoted by his father's sister's family to honor the inaugurator.

Throughout this two weeks, the patient is given a meal from the boy's home group. Usually the surgery is carried out by the parental office, but if the boy's parent questions the competency of this man, a replacement can be called for. When the ritual, known as te purification of the" te purification of dirt", is carried out in connection with the angeaa porous a coroa, the surgery is carried out in the open air near the young person's orphanage. Otherwise, it is carried out in the outback.

All" Brethren of the Mother" of the Boys may be present, but no one else may see the surgery. During the surgery, the boy's parent prepares pudding. After the meal is finished, the "brothers of the mother" go back to the boy's home and have dinner. He is given a new panda pad by his grandparents to put him to bed, and he remains with his grandparents and their sons until the heal up.

The' mothers' and' father's sisters' (te pares pares pae) feed the boys with more matting and other goods. While the young person is recuperating from the surgery, the "surgeon" stays at his side and the couple is fed by their family. The whole island will be providing the physician with groceries and supplies on account of the boy's parent, and the parent will "wash" the surgeon's hand with curcuma pigments - a symbol of the purifying of ceremonial contamination by the hand that has treated a contaminating agent.

There' s no official mating season on Anuta. If a man chooses to get married, he chooses a wife and advises his parent on his choices. The most common is the envoy's young man's mum or his older sibling, although the dad, bro or another near relation or boyfriend can leave.

Time of the rituals depends on the family. The man's husband's parents on both sides sent a message to the members of their boy a manaito. In the groom's home, the bride's fur is shaved by his wife and supported by the strong feminine affinity of her.

Once these proceedings have been completed, all the relatives who have gathered in the groom's home go to the bride's parents' home to present their presents, known as the t e Maraes. Considering the greatness of Anuta and the extent of island dogma, everyone will be related to the groom and fiance.

It must therefore be decided with which side a party and its patients will merge for the purpose of the ritual of matrimony. When one is intimately related to both sides, he can often go to one home and let another member of his family take part with the other.

They spend the evening of the day in the groom's home. Simultaneously, the meal is picked and boiled to donate to the festival. Poo RaropukoPu Nukurava's sire. Tepuko NauFirst Cousin of Pu Nukurava's sire, Pu Raropuko. PareataiFirst patriilateral cocusin of Pu Raropuko, the sire of Pu Nukurava.

The Pu Koroatu (Senior Chief) Superintendent of Pu Nukurava's'Clan'; first came to the groom's home to give some gifts before he went to the bride's family. TeraupangaNau Raropuko's half-brother and Pu Nukurava's'mother brother'. This is why Nau PaonePai macitanga of Pu Nukurava was entrusted with the task of trimming the bride's head while she waited in the man's family.

There was no particularly strong connection between this and the bridegroom's patongias, but perhaps the members felt it necessary to be present on both sides, as they lead one of the three Kainanga i Pangatau lineage. Akauranga Pu'formal friend' of Nau Nukurava's Mum and Dad, who came from Tikopia and had come home.

He was at his brother's place. Rotopenua that the chick is'related'. Poo RotopenuaYoung sibling of Pu Akonima and member of the same family. A patriilateral patriarchal co-in and member of the same family. Po pu NotauBrother of Pu Akonima and Pu Rotopenua; Taiuranga of the bride's family.

PaonePu Akonima's patriilateral female father and father and father, and Dauranga of the bride's family. Their husbands went to the bridegroom's home and sent them to the bride's home to take his place. Akonima's mother's sibling. Po Tongotere, her boy, went to the groom's home and asked his mom to take her father's place with the groom.

The bridegroom's Pu NukumarereFriend and the bridal father's secundary tapirang. The next ofkin to the Bride were among the leaders of the High Chieftain; therefore, after he had visited and left his brethren to take his place in the home of Pu Nukurava, he went into the presence of Pu Akonima and Pu Rotopenua.

She is also the daugther of Ta Nukumarere, the tapuranga of the bride's family. Parekope Pu ParekopePatarilateral at the same time the first female co-in and narrowest living'brother' of Pu Tepuko, the assistant boss who was in the groom's family. Since the chieftain could not be present in the bride's home, he assigned the responsibilities to Pu Parekope as his apostle.

Theoretically, the man's kinsmen feed him and the woman's kinsmen feed him. Disease can naturally happen at any point in her entire being, and when she does, the other patients are expressing their concerns by feeding them. Big packages of the most prestigious foodstuffs are sent by the mother's sibling, who devotes much of his spare minute to the victims in order to give them some kind of emotive assistance during their convalescence.

Once someone else is killed on Anuta, the news will be all over the island. Once the various quotas have ended the lamentation, they go from door to door and participate in the cuisine. She is taken to the temple for one last worship and then to the cemetery, where the mother's relatives and brother have buried a tomb about one meter underneath.

At the end of the burial, consumer goods and sometimes even horticultural lands are given to the men who buried the tomb in a priestation named te Punepu as reparation by the patient's parson. It is the dead man's mother's sibling who is the principal receiver of the presents, not the lnati. When their mothers brethren are no longer in life, or when they are too old to take part in the excavation of the tomb, the presentations are made to the older man in the patronage of their mothers sibling.

This wedding ceremony includes the trade of groceries and commodities and leads to a shifting of the woman's loyalty from the patongias of her parent to that of her husbands. In addition, the male relations become the motherly relative of his baby, an identification most evident in the classifications of the motherly relations and "in-laws" as "te pai o teen papine".

Annuta has no wedding lessons, and the thing that comes nearest to a wedding ruling is a gentle penchant for a man to take his "Taina Pope sister" for his husband. It strengthens an existing union and preserves the nurses' financial and socioeconomic support by taking them to the same city.

Until this point in the history, all feminine relations in the males' egos are consistently classified as "siblings of the opposite sex", so that no favourable preference can be derived from the parental generation's Covenant patterns. Thus, besides one' s family, who are barred for reasons of genealogy, one may not get married into the parish church of his friends of the Inatii or "Bond".

Nonetheless, the affine groups are an important means of strengthening the process of inclusion by bringing together the different Patongias in a series of working, cooperating, - 344 changing, mutually interacting relations in connection with blood-related and religious alliances. Forbidden to marry in the local land of the own ini can be seen from the same view.

Thus, the links between the island's "clans" are strengthened by marriages, and the chieftain, who gets his " troops " from almost all of them, is usually compelled to have wed. Anutans all have close links to the patients of their inti, and these links are emphasized again and again throughout the life of the humans, without the need to strengthen the conjugal link.

As a man cannot take his woman from his own family, his near relations on the side of his own family, his own family, his own family, or anyone he is serving as an advocate, his "adoptive parents" or his "band friends", all groups with whom he would have strong relationships without the need for marriages are excluded.

Therefore, he is compelled to wed someone from a group whose relation to his own needs must be strengthened, and the marriages system encourages the greatest possible spread of mighty ties among all patongias on the island. Over the course of the generation, this "source" becomes more appropriate again, until finally another matrimony with a member of this pattern is carried out and the series begins afresh.

Being the elemental unity of possession, a relationship between two human beings brings with it financial ties between their entities, and the tighter the relationship, the higher the degree of interdependency and solidarities between theirpatongias. Matrimony also creates relationships of mutual understanding between the Patongian community through the interchange of goods and ser-vices, and more than that, through the interchange of individuals.

Thus, the far-away relatives of a man become his nearest relatives and the nearest blood relatives of his offspring, and only over a time span of several generation the patient is so far away that its members can remarry. "Anutanic Social Structure" in Anuta: An Polynesian outlier in the Solomon Islands, published by D. E. Yen and Janet Gordon.

"on Anuta Island" in adaptation and symbolism: Anutane concepts of disease. anuta Island. Social Structure of Anuta Island. "Aunt Anuta and Tikopia:

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